Kitabı oxu: «The Canadian Portrait Gallery - Volume 3 (of 4)»

THE EARL OF DUFFERIN

Of all the many personages who have been sent over from Great Britain to administer the Government in this country, since Canada first became an appendage of the British Crown, none has achieved so wide a popularity as Lord Dufferin. None of his predecessors succeeded in creating so wide a circle of personal friends, and none has left so many pleasant remembrances behind him. Lord Dorchester was a Governor, but the area over which his sway extended was very small as compared with the vast Dominion embraced within the purview of Lord Dufferin; and the inhabitants in his day were chiefly composed of the representatives of a single nationality. Lord Elgin was popular, but the exigencies of his position compelled him to make bitter enemies; and while every one, at the present day, acknowledges his great capacity and sterling worth, there was a time when he was subjected to grievous contumely and shameful indignity. Lord Dufferin, on the other hand, won golden opinions from the time of his first arrival in Canada, and when he left our shores he carried with him substantial tokens of the affection and good-will of the inhabitants. One single episode in his administration threatened, for a brief space, to interfere with the cordial relations between himself and one section of the people. His own prudence and tact, combined with the liberality and good sense of those who differed from him, enabled him to tide over the critical time; and long before his departure from among us he could number most of the latter among his warm personal friends. His Vice-Regal progresses made the lines of his face and the tones of his voice familiar to the inhabitants of every Province. Wherever he went he increased the number of his well-wishers, and won additional respect for his personal attainments. He identified himself with the popular sympathies, and entered with a keen zest into every question affecting the public welfare. He will long live in the memory of the Canadian people as a wise administrator, an accomplished statesman, a brilliant orator, a genial companion, and a sincere friend of the land which he was called upon to govern.

He is descended, on the paternal side, from a Scottish gentleman named John Blackwood, who went over from his native country to Ireland, and settled in the county Down, towards the close of the sixteenth century. The family has ever since resided in that county, and has played a not unimportant part in the political history of Ireland. In 1763 a baronetcy was conferred upon the then chief representative of the family, who was conspicuous in his day and generation as a vehement supporter of the Whig side in politics. In 1800 the head of the family was created an Irish peer, with the title of Baron Dufferin and Clandeboye. The father of the present representative was Price, fourth Baron, who succeeded to the title in 1839. Fourteen years prior to his accession to the title — that is to say, in the year 1825 — this gentleman married Miss Helen Selina Sheridan, a granddaughter of the Right Hon. Richard Brinsley Sheridan. The distinguished orator and dramatist, as all the world knows, had a son named Thomas Sheridan, who inherited no inconsiderable share of his father's wit and genius. Thomas — better known as Tom — Sheridan, had three daughters, all of whom were prominent members of English society, and were conspicuous alike for personal beauty and the brilliancy of their intellectual accomplishments. One of them was the beautiful Lady Seymour, afterwards Duchess of Somerset, who presided as Queen of Beauty at the famous tournament held at the Earl of Eglinton's seat in Scotland, in the month of August, 1839. Another daughter, the Hon. Mrs. Caroline Norton, won distinction by her poetical effusions, and by several novels, one of which, "Stuart of Dunleath," is a work exhibiting a high degree of mental power. This lady, whose domestic misfortunes formed at one time an absorbing topic of discussion in England, survived until 1877, having some months before her death been married to the late Sir W. Stirling Maxwell. The remaining daughter, Harriet Selina, was the eldest of the three. She, as we have seen, married Captain Price Blackwood, and subsequently became Lady Dufferin upon her husband's accession to the title in 1839. She also won a name in literature by numerous popular songs and ballads, the best known of which is "The Irish Emigrant's Lament." She was left a widow in 1841, and twenty-one years later, by a second marriage, became Countess of Gifford. She died in 1867. Her only son, Frederick Temple, the subject of this sketch, was born at Florence, in Italy, on the 21st of June, 1826.

He received his early education at Eton College, and subsequently at Christ Church, Oxford. He passed through the curriculum with credit, but left the University without taking a degree. In the month of July, 1841, when he had only just completed his fifteenth year, his father's death took place, and he thus succeeded to the family titles six years before attaining his majority. During the first Administration of Lord John Russell he officiated as one of the Lords-in-Waiting to Her Majesty; and again filled a similar position for a short time a few years later.

One of the most memorable passages in his early career was a visit paid by him to Ireland during the terrible famine which broke out there in 1846. Deriving his titles from Ireland, where the greater part of his property is situated, and being desirous of doing his duty by his tenantry, he had almost from boyhood paid a good deal of attention to the question of land-tenure in that country. With a view to extending his knowledge by personal observation, he set out from Oxford, accompanied by his friend, the Hon. Mr. Boyle, and went over, literally, to spy out the nakedness of the famine-stricken land. They for the first time in their lives found themselves face-to-face with misery in one of its most appalling shapes. They were young, kind-hearted and generous, and the scenes wherewith they were daily brought into contact made an impression upon their minds that has never been effaced. They published an account of their travels under the title of "A Narrative of a Journey from Oxford to Skibbereen, during the year of the Irish Famine," and devoted the proceeds of the sale of the narrative to the relief of the starving sufferers of Skibbereen. The realms of fiction may be ransacked in vain for anything more truly pathetic and heart-rending in its terrible, vigorous realism, than is this truthful picture of human privation and suffering. Upon one occasion, having bought a huge basket of bread for distribution among the most needy, they were completely besieged as soon as their intention became known. "Something like an orderly distribution was attempted," says the narrative, "but the dreadful hunger and impatience of the poor people by whom the donors were surrounded rendered this absolutely impossible, and the bread was thrown out, loaf by loaf, from a window, the struggles of the famished women over the insufficient supply being dreadful to witness." Of course, all they could do to alleviate the sufferings in the district was of little avail, but they gave to the extent of their ability, and the poor, famishing creatures were warmly touched by their unfeigned and tearful sympathy. When the two gentlemen left the town, their carriage was followed beyond the outskirts by crowds of suffering poor who implored the Divine blessing upon their heads. The publication of the "Narrative," moreover, aroused a general feeling of philanthropy throughout the whole of England and Scotland, and liberal contributions were sent over for the benefit of those who stood most in need of assistance.

The practical knowledge of the condition of the Irish people acquired by Lord Dufferin during this visit was such as the most diligent study of blue-books could not have imparted. From this time forward he gave more attention than ever to the Irish question. It was a question in which he might well take a deep interest, for he was dependent upon the rent of his estates in county Down for the bulk of his income. His unselfishness, however, was signally proved by the stand he took, which was on the side of tenant-right. He has written and spoken much on the subject, and has contributed more than his share towards enabling the world to arrive at a just conclusion respecting it. His public utterances displayed a genuine philanthropy and breadth of view, mingled, at times, with a quaint and touching humour, which attracted the attention of every statesman in the kingdom. Twenty years before Mr. Gladstone's Irish Land Act was passed, its provisions had been anticipated by Lord Dufferin, and urged upon the attention of the House of Lords. In an eloquent and elaborate speech delivered before that Body in 1854 he suggested and outlined nearly every important legislative reform with reference to Irish Land Tenure which has since been brought about. A work on "Irish Emigration, and the Tenure of Land in Ireland," gave still wider currency to his views on the subject, and it began to be perceived that the brilliant young Irish peer had ideas well worthy of the consideration of Parliament. He was created an English baron in 1850, by the title of Baron Clandeboye.

In politics he was a moderate Whig. The leading members of his party recognized his high abilities, and thought it desirable to enlist them in the public service. An opportunity soon presented itself. In the month of February, 1855, Lord John Russell was appointed as British Plenipotentiary to the conference to be held at Vienna for the purpose of settling the terms of peace between Russia and Turkey. Lord John invited Lord Dufferin to accompany him on the mission as a special attaché. The invitation was accepted, and Lord Dufferin repaired to the Austrian capital, where he remained until the close of the ineffectual conference. Soon after his return to England he determined upon a long yachting tour in the far northern seas, and in the early summer of 1856 he started on his adventurous voyage. The chronicle of this expedition, written with graphic force and humour by the pen of Lord Dufferin himself, has long been before the world under the title of "Letters from High Latitudes." The voyage, which lasted several months, was made in the schooner-yacht Foam, and included Iceland, Jan Meyen and Spitzbergen in its scope. There is no necessity for extended comment upon a book that has been read by pretty nearly everybody in Canada. Who is there among us who has not laughed over the account of that marvellous bird that, as the nights became shorter and shorter, never slept for more than five minutes at a stretch, without waking up in a state of nervous agitation lest it might be cock-crow; that was troubled by low spirits, owing to the mysterious manner in which a fresh member of his harem used to disappear daily; and that finally, overburdened by contemplation, went melancholy mad and committed suicide? Or over that extraordinary dog-Latin after-dinner speech by Lord Dufferin during his stay in the Icelandic capital, as voraciously recorded in Letter VI.? And who among us has failed to recognize the graphic power of description displayed in the account of the Geysers? Or the weird poetic force of "The Black Death of Bergen"? In all these various kinds of composition the author showed great natural aptitude, and his book, as a whole, is one of the most interesting chronicles of travel in our language.

In 1860 Lord Dufferin was for the first time despatched abroad as the head of an important diplomatic mission. In the summer of that year, Great Britain, France, Russia and other European powers united in sending an expedition to Syria to protect the lives and property of Europeans, and to arrest the further effusion of blood in the threatened conflicts between the Druses and the Maronites. The immediate occasion of the expedition was a shocking massacre of Syrian Christians that had recently taken place, and a recurrence of which was considered highly probable. Turkey professed inability to deal effectively with the matter, and it became necessary that the leading European powers should interfere in the cause of humanity. Lord Dufferin was appointed by Lord Palmerston as Commissioner on behalf of Great Britain. He went out to Syria, where he remained some months. He proved himself admirably qualified to discharge a delicate diplomatic mission, and by his tact, good-nature and popular manners, no less than by his practical wisdom and good sense, succeeded in effecting a satisfactory settlement of the matter. As a testimony of the Government's appreciation of his services he immediately after his return received the Order of a Knight Commander of the Bath (Civil Division). Another result of his mission was the publication, in 1867, of "Notes on Ancient Syria," a work which, as its title imports, smacks more of reading than of observation.

It fell to Lord Dufferin's lot, in December, 1861, to move the address in the House of Lords, in answer to Her Majesty's Speech from the Throne, referring to the death of the Prince Consort. The occasion was one upon which the speaker might be expected to do his best, and the speech made by him on that occasion drew tears from eyes which had long been unaccustomed to weep. A perusal of it makes one regret that Lord Dufferin's legitimate place was not in the other House, where his talent for oratory would have had an opportunity of growing, and where he would unquestionably have gained a high reputation as a parliamentary speaker. It is a simple matter of fact that in the dull, lifeless atmosphere of the House of Lords, Lord Dufferin's talents were almost thrown away. In the Commons he would have made a figure, with a nation for his audience.

On the 23rd of October, 1862, he married Harriot Georgina, eldest daughter of the late Archibald Rowan Hamilton, of Killyleagh Castle, county Down. This lady, whose lineaments are almost as well known to Canadians as are those of His Lordship, still survives, and is the happy mother of a numerous family. In 1863 Lord Dufferin became a Knight of St. Patrick; and in the following year he was appointed Lord Lieutenant of the county Down. About the same time he was offered the position of Under-Secretary of State for India, which he accepted. In 1865 he was subjected to a searching examination respecting his views on the Irish Land question, before a Select Committee of the House of Commons. His examination lasted four days, and his evidence proved of incalculable value in the framing of the Act of Parliament which was passed before the close of the session. Several years later he put forth a vigorous pamphlet entitled, "An Examination of Mr. Mill's Plan for the Pacification of Ireland," in which he criticised John Stuart Mill's proposal that the landed estates of Irish landlords should be brought to a forced sale. Lord Dufferin's thorough knowledge of his subject, added to the fact that his views were sound, proved too much, even for the Master of Logic, who had made his proposal without due consideration of the subject, and on an incomplete statement of the facts.

Lord Dufferin continued to fill the post of Secretary of State for India until early in 1866, when he was offered the Governorship of Bombay. The state of his mother's health — she had already begun to sink under the malady to which she finally succumbed a year later — was such as to forbid her accompanying him to India, and Lord Dufferin was too affectionate a son to leave her behind. He was accordingly compelled to decline the appointment. He accepted instead the post of Under-Secretary to the War Department, which he retained until the close of Earl Russell's Administration, in June, 1866. Upon the return of the Liberal Party to power under Mr. Gladstone, in the end of 1868, Lord Dufferin became Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, a position which he retained up to the time of his being appointed Governor-General of Canada. He was also appointed Paymaster-General, and was sworn in as a Member of Her Majesty's Privy Council. In November, 1871, he was made an Earl and Viscount of the United Kingdom, under the titles of Earl of Dufferin and Viscount Clandeboye.

The successive dignities thus heaped upon him are sufficient evidence of the rising favour with which he was regarded by the Members of the Government; and as matter of fact he had made great progress in the esteem of the leading members of his Party generally. On the 22nd of May, 1872, he received the appointment which was destined to give Canadians a special interest in his career — that of Governor-General of the Dominion of Canada.

By the great mass of Canadians the news of this appointment was received with a feeling very much akin to indifference. The fact is that, except among reading men, and persons intimately familiar with the diplomatic history of Great Britain during the preceding twenty years, the name of Lord Dufferin was entirely unknown in this country. A few middle-aged and elderly persons remembered that an Irish peer named Lord Dufferin had made an eloquent speech on the death of the Prince Consort. Others remembered that a peer of that name had done something noteworthy in Syria. A few had read or heard of "Letters from High Latitudes;" but not one of us suspected that the new Governor-General was destined to be the most popular representative of Great Britain known to Canadian history. It was not suspected that, for the first time during many years, we were to have at the head of our Administration a statesman of deep sympathies and enlarged views; a nobleman combining elegant learning and brilliant powers of oratory with a tact and bonhomie which would win for him the friendship and respect of Canadians of all social ranks, and of all grades of political opinion. By many of us the office of a Governor-General in Canada had come to be looked upon as a sort of sinecure; as a part which any man not absolutely a dunce is capable of playing. We regarded the Governor-General merely as the Royal representative; as a figurehead whose duties consist of doing as he is bid. He has responsible advisers who prescribe for him a certain line of action, and all he has to do is to obey. When his Cabinet loses the confidence of Parliament, he either sends them about their business or accepts their resignation. The successors selected for him by the dominant majority are accepted as a matter of course, and everything goes on da capo. This, or something like this, was the way we had learned to estimate the powers and functions which Lord Dufferin was coming among us to discharge. It was reserved for him to give us a juster appreciation of the position of a Canadian Governor-General. The lesson learned by us during the six years of his residence among us is one that Canadians will not soon forget. The learning of it has perhaps made us unduly exacting, and it would have been most unfortunate had his successor been chosen from the ranks of respectable mediocrity whence Colonial Governors are not unfrequently selected. Happily the choice fell upon a gentleman whose character and attainments bear some affinity to those of his predecessor, and the dignity and respect due to the Governor-General are not likely to suffer depreciation while the office remains in his hands.

There was one circumstance which led many Canadians to look upon the appointment of Lord Dufferin with no friendly eyes. He had been appointed by the Gladstone Government, and the Gladstone Government had manifested a disposition to treat Canada rather cavalierly. Canadian interests had not been very efficiently cared for at the negotiation of the Treaty of Washington, and there had been a good deal of diplomatic correspondence between the Canadian and Imperial Governments, in which the latter had pretty clearly intimated that Canada's separation from the Mother Country would not be regarded as an irreparable loss to the Empire at large. The London Times openly advocated such a separation, and it was known to speak the sentiments of persons high in power. It was even conjectured by some of the more suspicious that Lord Dufferin had been appointed for the express purpose of carrying out an Imperial project for a separation between Canada and Great Britain. Had His Lordship been a weak or commonplace man he would most probably have had a very uncomfortable time of it in Canada. He was neither weak nor commonplace, however, and he began to be popular from the very hour of his arrival in the country. By the time he had been six months among us everyone spoke well of him; and long before his administration came to an end he had gained a firm hold on the hearts of the people throughout the length and breadth of our land.

He arrived at Quebec on the 25th of June, 1872. During the same day he was sworn in as Governor-General, and two days later reached his seat of Government at Ottawa. There is no need to describe in minute detail the various events which characterized his administration. Those events are still fresh in all our memories, and have been recorded at full length by two Canadian authors — Mr. Stewart and Mr. Leggo — in works to which everyone has access. For these reasons it is considered unnecessary to give more than a brief summary in these pages.

During the summer of 1872 Lord Dufferin made the first of his memorable Vice-Regal tours, visiting Toronto, Hamilton, London, Niagara Falls, and other places of interest in the Province of Ontario. To say that he made a marvellously favourable impression wherever he went is simply to say what everybody knows, and what might equally be said of all his subsequent progresses through the Dominion. There was a general election during the summer and autumn of this year, and an opportunity was thus afforded His Excellency for observing the working of our political institutions at such a time.

The result of the elections was a majority in favour of Sir John A. Macdonald's Ministry. Parliament met in the following March, and on the 2nd of April Mr. Huntington made his serious, and now historic, charge against the Government, in connection with the granting of the Pacific Railway Charter, and the corrupt sale to Sir Hugh Allan. A motion was made for a committee of investigation, but was voted down as a motion of want of confidence in the Government. A few days later, Sir John, knowing that a policy of reticence could not long be available, himself moved for a committee. The motion was passed, and the committee was appointed, but was unable to proceed, owing to its inability to take evidence on oath. A Bill was introduced into the House to give the committee the power required, and was passed without opposition, but was subsequently disallowed by the Imperial Government as being ultra vires. Meanwhile the inquiry was proceeded with; but on the 5th of May, owing to the absence from the country of three important witnesses — Sir George E. Cartier, Sir Hugh Allan and the Hon. J. J. C. Abbott — the committee deemed it advisable to adjourn to the 2nd of July. The ordinary Parliamentary business had been got through with, and there was no necessity for the House remaining in session; but, as the committee had no authority to sit during recess, it was thought desirable that there should be an adjournment of Parliament instead of a prorogation, until the committee should be prepared with its report. Accordingly, on the 23rd of May, Parliament adjourned to the 13th of August, when it was agreed that it should meet expressly for the purpose of receiving the committee's report, and not for the despatch of ordinary legislative business. It would thus be unnecessary for the Governor-General to be present at the formal reassembling, and soon after the adjournment His Excellency, with his family, started on a projected tour through the Maritime Provinces. On the 27th of June, while on his travels, he received a telegram from Lord Kimberley, Secretary for the Colonies in the Home Government, announcing the disallowance of the "Oaths Bill," as it was called, viz., the Act authorizing Parliamentary committees to examine witnesses under oath. He at once gave notice of the disallowance to the Premier, Sir John A. Macdonald, who made it known to the committee. The committee was composed of five members, three of whom were supporters of the Government, and the remaining two of the Opposition. The Government supporters were the Hon. J. G. Blanchet, the Hon. James Macdonald (of Pictou), and the Hon. John Hillyard Cameron. The Opposition members were the Hon. Edward Blake and the Hon. A. A. Dorion. On the 1st of July a proclamation was issued giving public notice of the disallowance of the Oaths Bill. The Premier offered to issue a Royal Commission to the committee, which would enable it to take evidence under oath, and to demand the production of persons, papers and records. The proposal was rejected by Messrs. Blake and Dorion, who wrote to the Premier pointing out to him that the inquiry was undertaken by the House; that the appointment of a Royal Commission by a Government to investigate charges against that Government would be an unheard-of and most unbecoming proceeding; and that the House did not expect the Crown or anyone else to obstruct the inquiry.

When the Parliament met, pursuant to adjournment, on the 13th of August, the committee, having been prevented from taking evidence, was unable to report. A numerously signed memorial was presented to His Excellency praying that there might be no prorogation of Parliament until the charges against the existing Government had been subjected to investigation. His Excellency, however, replied that he felt bound to act on the advice of his Ministry. His Ministry advised him to prorogue Parliament, and prorogued it accordingly was. Every Canadian remembers the tumultuous scene which ensued — a scene almost without parallel in modern Parliamentary history; a faint reflex of that memorable episode which took place in the English House of Commons two hundred and twenty years before.

The next act in the drama was the appointment by His Excellency of a Royal Commission on his own authority. It was issued to the Hon. C. D. Day, the Hon. Antoine Polette, and James Robert Gowan, three judges learned in the law. The commission met, and on the opening of the session in the following October its report was laid before Parliament. The contents are familiar to every reader of these pages, and do not form an attractive subject for extended comment. There could no longer be any doubt as to the course to be taken by the Premier. A few days afterwards Sir John Macdonald's Government resigned, and Mr. Mackenzie was called upon to form a new one. This he soon succeeded in doing, and on the 7th of November the new Administration took office. As was abundantly proved at the ensuing elections, the new government had the confidence of the country.

During the progress of these events, Lord Dufferin was assailed with a good deal of rancour by one section of the Canadian press. The question now to be considered is: How far were these assaults justifiable? In other words: How far, if at all, was Lord Dufferin to blame?

The principal allegations made against him were, that his sympathies all through this deplorable episode in our political history were with Sir John Macdonald and his colleagues; that he assisted the latter to postpone and evade investigation into their conduct; that his partisanship was evinced by his prompt transmission of the Oaths Bill for Imperial consideration, and by his subsequent prorogation of Parliament in defiance of the wishes of a large body of the members.

It must be borne in mind, in considering these matters, that we at the present day are in a much better position to form a correct opinion respecting them than Lord Dufferin could possibly be in the summer of 1873. He came to this country an utter stranger to every man in Canadian public life. He found at the head of affairs a gentleman who had long held the reins of power; who had a very wide circle of warm personal friends; who was regarded with affectionate loyalty by his Party; and whose Government enjoyed an overwhelming support in Parliament. With such a support at its back, the Government might reasonably lay claim to possessing the confidence of the Canadian people, and, possessing such confidence, it was entitled to the confidence of Her Majesty's Representative. There was, moreover, a manifest disposition on the part of some opponents of the Government to make the most of any little shortcomings of which Ministerialists might be guilty. One of the most virulent of the Opposition, a man whose own character could not be said to be wholly above reproach, made certain wild charges against the Government. These charges were so utterly monstrous and incredible that any man of probity might reasonably refuse to believe them until they were proved to be true by the most irrefutable evidence. Such evidence was not forthcoming. The head of the Government hurled back the charges in the teeth of the man who had made them; pronounced the latter a slanderous calumniator; protested that his own hands were clean; and called upon his Maker to bear witness to the truth of his avowal. His conduct was not unlike that of an honest man smarting under a strong sense of injustice. He professed to court inquiry, and while he treated Mr. Huntington's motion as one of want of confidence in the Government, and triumphantly voted it down, he himself came forward with his motion for a committee. Both from his place in the House, and to the Governor-General in person, he continued to protest before God that there was no shadow of foundation for the charges made against him. He spoke of his acquittal as a matter which did not admit of a moment's question. Under these circumstances, is it any wonder if Lord Dufferin refused to believe vague and unsubstantiated charges from such a source; charges which might well have excited incredulity by the very depth of their blackness? Is it to be wondered at, even if His Lordship sympathized with those whom he believed to have been so shamefully maligned, and who seemed so anxious to set themselves right before the country? Such was the state of affairs when Parliament was adjourned on the 23rd of May.

With regard to the prompt transmission to England of the Oaths Bill, His Excellency simply complied with his official instructions, and with the Union Act, which requires the Governor-General to transmit "by the earliest convenient opportunity" all Acts of Parliament to which he has assented on Her Majesty's behalf. His Excellency's despatch to the Imperial Secretary of State for the Colonies, dated 15th August, 1873, puts this matter very clearly. It shows that he understood and was prepared to do his duty, no matter what might be said by Opposition members, and no matter how scurrilous might be the attacks of hostile newspapers. "Amongst other respects," says the despatch, "in which my conduct has been criticised, the fact of my having communicated to you by the first opportunity a certified copy of the Oaths Bill, has been a very general point of attack. I apprehend it will not be necessary to justify myself to your Lordship in this particular. My law-adviser had called my attention to the possibility of the Bill being illegal. Had perjured testimony been tendered under it, no proceedings could have been taken against the delinquent, and if, under these circumstances, I had wilfully withheld from the Home Government all cognizance of the Act, it would have been a gross dereliction of duty. To those in this country who have questioned my procedure it would be sufficient to reply that I recognize no authority on this side of the Atlantic competent to instruct the Governor-General as to the nature of his correspondence with Her Majesty's Secretary of State." The assertion so often made, to the effect that the Law Officers of the Crown in England were improperly influenced to advise a disallowance of the Bill, is in itself utterly preposterous, and no attempt, so far as we know, has ever been made to bring forward any proof of it.

There remains for consideration the prorogation of Parliament on the 13th of August.

Before the adjournment on the 23rd of May, as we have seen, it had been understood that Parliament should meet only to receive the committee's report, and not for the despatch of ordinary business. It had not even been considered necessary that His Excellency should attend. During his absence in the Maritime Provinces, however, the famous McMullen correspondence had appeared in print, and this, together with other circumstances which had come to his knowledge, had made him resolve to be present at the reassembling of Parliament. The attendance of Government supporters was not large, very few, if any, being present from outlying constituencies. The Opposition on the other hand, was fully represented, and was eager for the battle, which was regarded as inevitable. It soon appeared that there was nothing to be done. Owing to the disallowance of the Oaths Bill there was no report from the committee. In the estimation of His Excellency, to proceed with the investigation, as the Opposition members were desirous of doing, would under these circumstances have been to place the Ministry at an unfair disadvantage. A considerable number of its supporters were absent, whereas the Opposition was in full force. It has been charged upon the Ministry that this was part of their tactics, and that the absentees were acting under the orders of their Chief in remaining at home. This is another of those loose, sweeping assertions which may be true, but the truth of which has not been proved. That unhappy Ministry has enough to answer for at the Bar of History, without being called upon to refute charges which have never been substantiated by evidence. In any case, no fair-minded person will wish to hold the Governor-General responsible for such tactics. His position was one of no ordinary difficulty. Very damnatory correspondence had been given to the world, but it was not in such a shape that the House could possibly regard it as free from suspicion. The most serious charges seemed to point rather to the guilt of Sir Hugh Allan and McMullen than to that of the Members of the Government. The charges directly affecting the Government were solemnly and emphatically repudiated by the Premier, who pledged himself to explain the matter under oath to the satisfaction of the whole world, as soon as a properly constituted tribunal should be appointed, with authority to take evidence under oath. Sir Hugh Allan published a sworn affidavit, negativing McMullen's charges, and McMullen himself had subsequently admitted that his charges had been hasty and inaccurate. The latter, moreover, was evidently a man whose character was not such as to inspire respect. The Government could still command a majority of votes in the House. Under such circumstances, can His Excellency be blamed if he continued to act upon the advice of his constitutional advisers by proroguing Parliament? He was determined, however, that there should be no unnecessary delay, and exacted as a condition of adopting that course that parliament should be convened with all imaginable expedition. His reply to the memorial presented by the Opposition is so much to the point that we cannot do better than abridge a portion of it. "You urge me," says His Excellency, "on grounds which are very fully and forcibly stated, to decline the advice which has been unanimously tendered me by my responsible ministers, and to refuse to prorogue Parliament. In other words, you require me to dismiss them from my councils; for you must be aware that this would be the necessary result of my assenting to your recommendation. Upon what grounds would I be justified in taking so grave a step? What guarantee can you afford me that the Parliament of the Dominion would endorse such an act of personal interference on my part? You yourselves do not form an actual moiety of the House of Commons, and I have no means of ascertaining that the majority of that body subscribe to the opinion you have enounced.. It is true, grave charges have been preferred.. but the truth of these remains untested.. Is the Governor-General, upon such evidence as this, to drive from his presence gentlemen who for years have filled the highest offices of State, and in whom, during the recent session, Parliament has repeatedly declared its continued confidence?.. Certain documents of grave significance have lately been published in the newspapers, but no proof has been adduced which necessarily connects them with the culpable transactions of which it is asserted they formed a part.. Under these circumstances, what right has the Governor-General, on his personal responsibility, to proclaim.. that he believes his ministers guilty of the crimes alleged against them?"

Such were the circumstances under which the prorogation of the 13th of August, 1873, took place. Looking back on it, in the light of the seven years which have since elapsed, it will be hard to arrive at any other conclusion than that Lord Dufferin did not deserve the animadversions which were heaped upon him. As he himself observed in his despatch to the Colonial Secretary two days after the prorogation: "It is a favourite theory at this moment with many persons that when once grave charges of this nature have been preferred against the Ministry they become ipso facto unfit to counsel the Crown. The practical application of this principle would prove very inconvenient, and would leave not only the Governor-General, but every Lieutenant-Governor in the Dominion very thinly provided with responsible advisers; for, as far as I have been able to seize the spirit of political controversy in Canada, there is scarcely an eminent man in the country on either side whose character or integrity has not been, at one time or another, the subject of reckless attack by his opponents in the press." In a word, he acted on the well-established principle that every man is to be adjudged innocent until he has been proved guilty; and in so acting he showed that he understood the responsibilities of his position. That his Ministers were culpable, as well as unwise, in advising the prorogation, is certain; and when the next elections came on they paid the penalty of their disingenuousness.

The events of Lord Dufferin's residence in Canada subsequent to the fall of the Macdonald Ministry, which has already been reviewed, must be given in few words. The political events by which his administration was characterized have been given at sufficient length in sketches to which they more properly belong. The Mackenzie Administration had not been long in power before each individual member of it was on friendly terms with the Governor-General, and there seems to have been a tacit understanding that all past differences of opinion should be forgotten. In the summer of 1874 His Excellency and suite made a tour through the Muskoka District, and thence westward by steamer over lakes Huron, Superior and Michigan. The tourists called at most of the interesting points on the route, including Chicago, where they disembarked, and returned overland by way of Detroit. All the most important towns in Ontario were then visited, and the party returned home to Ottawa in September, after an absence of about two months. It was during his sojourn in Toronto, while on his return from this expedition, that Lord Dufferin made his famous speech at the Toronto Club, which aroused the enthusiasm of the press on both sides of the Atlantic. A part of the summer and autumn of each succeeding year was spent by His Excellency in making other tours through the various Provinces of the Dominion. The last important one was made in 1877, and consisted of a pilgrimage through Manitoba and part of the District of Keewatin. In 1875 he also visited Ireland, and in 1876 attended the Centennial Exhibition at Philadelphia. Wherever he went, his visits were marked by a continual round of ovations. Lady Dufferin generally accompanied him on his excursions, and contributed not a little by her personal graces and accomplishments to the popularity of her lord. Perhaps the most marvellous thing about him is his ability to make an eloquent speech on any given topic, without ever repeating himself, and without descending to platitudes or commonplaces. He has always something to say which is appropriate to the particular occasion, and the special circumstances in which he happens to be placed. The quick perception and ready wit begotten of his Irish blood never fail him. Each of his replies to the thousand-and-one addresses which at one time and another have been presented to him has a merit of its own, has an application purely local, and is unlike all the others. His more serious utterances are marked not less by maturity of statesmanship than by brilliancy of imagination. It would be faint praise to say of him that as an orator he stands alone on the long roll of Canadian Governors. There has been no other who is even worthy of being named as second to him. It has been truly said of his speeches that they are "warm with the light of hope, brimful of sympathy for the toiling and the struggling, sparkling with humour, and moving with pathos."

As the term of his residence among us drew towards its close the Canadian people began to realize how much they liked him. Addresses poured in upon him from every corner of the Dominion, many of which, at least, could only have had their origin in sincere esteem and hearty good-will. When, on the 19th of October, 1878, he took his final departure from among us, for it was felt that, if his life and health were spared the record of his future would not belie the record of his past. It was predicted that the man whose consummate tact, noble courtesy and largeness of heart had done so much to strengthen the ties between Great Britain and her Colonies would render further important services to his Sovereign and to the nation. That prediction has already been fulfilled. The effects of his mission to Russia have been made apparent in improved relations between the courts of St. Petersburg and St. James. In truth, no better antidote to the "spirited Foreign policy" of the late British Government could have been devised than the enrolment of Lord Dufferin in the diplomatic service.

“High hopes pursued him from the shore,

And prophesyings brave,”

Since his departure for Russia it is said that the Vice-royalty of Ireland and of India have both been tendered to and declined by him.

THE REV. ROBERT FERRIER BURNS

Dr. Burns was born at Paisley, Scotland, on the 23rd of December, 1826. After spending a term of four years at the Public Grammar School of that town, he was entered as a student at the University of Glasgow in the month of November, 1840, before he had quite completed his fourteenth year. He remained at that seat of learning four sessions, during which he achieved high standing in his classes, and carried off several prizes, including two in Latin. He stood third in Greek, second in Logic, and first in Moral Philosophy. While attending the University he had for associates Principal McKnight, of Halifax, the Rev. William Maclaren, of Blairlogie, and the late Rev. John Maclaren, of Glasgow. In 1844-5 he attended New College, Edinburgh, during the second session of its existence, and sat at the feet of Drs. Chalmers, Cunningham and Duncan. He had meanwhile resolved on emigrating to Canada, and on the 29th of March, 1845, he sailed from Greenock for Quebec. He made his way to Toronto, where he attended two sessions at Knox College, having for his contemporaries there Dr. Black, of Manitoba, and the late Rev. James Nisbet, of the Prince Albert Mission. During his collegiate career he acted as Student Catechist, and preached as a volunteer at Proudfoot's Mills, and also at Oakville. During the summer of 1846 he laboured to good purpose at Niagara. In April, 1847, he was licensed to preach by the Presbytery of Toronto, and on the first of July following he was ordained as first pastor of Chalmers Church, Kingston. During his residence at Kingston he officiated for a year as Chaplain to the Forty-first Regiment of Highland Infantry.

On the 1st of July, 1852, he married Miss Elizabeth Holden, a daughter of Dr. Rufus Holden, of Belleville, and a sister of the wife of Professor Gregg, of Toronto. By this lady he now has a family of eight children, consisting of four sons and four daughters. After a pastorate of exactly eight years he left Kingston on the 5th of July, 1855, and settled at St. Catharines as first pastor of the United Church. He remained there nearly twelve years, during eight of which he also had charge of a congregation at Port Dalhousie, four miles distant. During his ministry at St. Catharines the new church now known as Knox Church was erected, and his congregation subsequently worshipped there. In 1862 he took a conspicuous part in starting Sabbath School Conventions in this country, which have since been attended by many blessings to the young. In the month of July, 1866, the degree of Doctor of Divinity was conferred upon him by Hamilton College, near Utica, in the State of New York, the leading literary institution of the New School of Presbyterians in that State. On the 20th of March, 1867, he became first pastor of the First Scotch Presbyterian Church in Chicago, which then and for some years thereafter belonged to the Canadian Church. During his incumbency of this charge he received several calls from various churches, all of which were declined. His Chicago pastorate lasted three years, during which the membership of his church trebled in number, and a fine new church was erected by the congregation on the corner of Adams and Sagamore Streets. In October, 1867, he accompanied the Rev. D. L. Moody, the Evangelist, from Chicago to Toronto, on the occasion of the first sitting of the Young Men's Christian Association Convention in the latter city. In the beginning of May, 1870, he returned to Canada, and was inducted into the pastorate of Cote Street Church, Montreal, where Dr. Fraser and the present Principal McVicar had previously ministered. Here he remained five years.

On the 18th of March, 1875, he was settled over Fort Massey Church, Halifax, of which the Rev. J. K. Smith, of Galt, had been for two years pastor. Here Dr. Burns has ever since remained. The congregation has since its commencement discarded pew rents, and has been conducted on the weekly free-will-offering system, the offertory being collected at the church door. Their annual givings to church purposes are said to exceed $100 for each family. He was Moderator of the Synod of Montreal in 1873, and also Chairman of the Montreal College Board; and on his removal to Halifax he was elected to the same post there, which he still fills. During the session of 1877 he delivered special courses of lectures before the Montreal and Halifax students, and in 1878 these were followed up by a second special course in the Halifax College. In 1877 he was associated with Principal Grant and others in pushing forward the $100,00 °College Endowment Fund.

Dr. Burns is also known as an author. As early as 1854 he contributed to the Anglo-American Magazine, published in Toronto; and several years later to the Presbyterian Magazine. In 1857 he published "The Progress and Principles of Temperance Reform;" and in 1865, in conjunction with the Rev. Mr. Norton, of St. Catharines, "Maple Leaves for the Grave of Abraham Lincoln." In 1872 he wrote and published his most voluminous work, "The Life and Times of Dr. Robert Burns, of Toronto." This work passed through three editions, and was a decided success. His other works are chiefly pamphlets, sermons, and short fugitive pieces.

At the meeting of the General Assembly held at Ottawa in 1879 Dr. Burns was one of the eight clerical delegates elected to attend the General Presbyterian Council, to be held in Philadelphia during the present year. Last summer he attended the Sunday School Celebration held in London, England, to commemorate the founding of Sunday Schools by Robert Raikes, in Gloucester, a century ago.

THE HON. ALBERT NORTON RICHARDS,

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

Mr. Richards is the youngest son of the late Mr. Stephen Richards, of Brockville, and a brother of the Hon. William Buell Richards, ex-Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Dominion, a sketch of whose life appeared in the first volume of this series. Some account of the family history is contained in the sketch alluded to. Albert Norton Richards was born at Brockville, Upper Canada, on the 8th of December, 1822. Like his elder brothers, William and Stephen, he received his early education at the famous Johnstown District Grammar School, and embraced the legal profession as his calling in life. He studied law in the office of his brother William, with whom he entered into partnership after his call to the Bar in Michaelmas Term, 1848. Though perhaps somewhat less conspicuous at the Bar than his partner, he took a high position, and was distinguished for the acumen and soundness of judgment which seem to be inherent in every member of his family. After his brother's elevation to the Bench, he himself continued to practise at Brockville. His business was large and profitable. He took a keen interest in politics, and was identified with the Reform Party. He did not seek Parliamentary distinction, however, until the year 1861, when he was an unsuccessful candidate for the representation of South Leeds in the Legislative Assembly of Canada — his successful opponent being Mr. Benjamin Tett. At the general election of 1863 he again offered himself in opposition to the same candidate, and on this occasion was returned at the head of the poll. In the month of December following he accepted office in the Sandfield Macdonald-Dorion Administration, as Solicitor-General for the Upper Province. He was at the same time created a Queen's Counsel. Upon returning to his constituents for reëlection, after accepting office, he was compelled to encounter the full strength of the Conservative Party. The Government of the day existed by a mere thread, their majority averaging one, two and three, and it was felt that if Mr. Richards could be defeated the Government must resign. The constituency of South Leeds was invaded by all the principal speakers and agents of the Conservative Party, headed by the Hon. John A. Macdonald and the late Mr. D'Arcy McGee, and no stone was left unturned to defeat the new Solicitor-General. The result was the defeat of the latter by Mr. D. Ford Jones, the Conservative candidate, by a majority of five votes. Mr. Richards, after the resignation of the Government, remained out of public life until 1867, when he unsuccessfully contested his old seat for the House of Commons with the late Lieutenant-Governor Crawford, the latter being elected by a majority of thirty-nine. In 1869 Mr. Richards was offered by the Government of Sir John Macdonald the office of Attorney-General in the Provincial Government which Mr. Macdougall, as Lieutenant-Governor of the Northwest Territories, was about to establish at Fort Garry. Mr. Richards accepted the office, and accompanied Mr. Macdougall on his well-known journey, until stopped by Louis Riel at Stinking River. In the following year he visited British Columbia on public business, and in 1871 he again visited that Province, this time for the benefit of the health of his children, eight of whom he had lost by death during his residence at Brockville. At the general election of 1872, Mr. Richards made another and a successful appeal to the electors of South Leeds, and was returned to the House of Commons. He held his seat until January, 1874; when, being absent from the country, on a visit to British Columbia, he was unable to return in time to be nominated for his old constituency, and South Leeds became lost to the Reform Party. Mr. Richards continued to reside in British Columbia, and for several years was the official Legal Agent of the Dominion Government in that Province. He took an active part in endeavouring to bring about various much-needed law reforms, as to several of which he was ultimately successful. On the 29th of July, 1875, he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, a position which he has ever since held. His sterling qualities have obtained recognition, and he has won great popularity.

He has been twice married. His first wife, whom he married on the 17th of October, 1849, was Frances, daughter of the late Benjamin Chaffey, formerly of Staffordshire, England. This lady died in April, 1853. On the 12th of August, 1854, he married Ellen, daughter of the late John Cheslett, also of Staffordshire. His second wife still survives.

THE RIGHT REV. JOHN TRAVERS LEWIS, LL.D.,

BISHOP OF ONTARIO

Bishop Lewis is a son of the John Lewis, M.A., who was formerly Rector of St. Anne's, Shandon, Cork, Ireland; and grandson of Mr. Richard Lewis, who was an Inspector-General of Revenue in the south of Ireland. He is himself an Irishman by birth and education, but has passed the last thirty years of his life in Canada. He was born in the county of Cork, on the 20th of June, 1825. He received private lessons from his father, and afterwards obtained his more advanced education at Trinity College, Dublin. He enjoyed a somewhat brilliant career at the University. He obtained honours both in classics and mathematics during his course as an undergraduate; and upon graduating, in 1846, he was gold medallist and senior moderator in ethics and logic. His degree of LL.D. was received, we believe, from his alma mater. He was intended for the Church from boyhood, and was ordained Deacon in 1848, at the Chapel of Christ's College, Cambridge, by the Lord Bishop of Chester. He was soon afterwards ordained Priest by the Lord Bishop of Down, and became Curate of the parish of Newtownbutler, celebrated in Irish annals for the victory gained by the colonists over King James's troops in 1689. He did not long occupy that position, but resigned it in 1850, and came over to this country, where, soon after his arrival, he was appointed by the late Bishop Strachan to the parish of Hawkesbury, in the county of Prescott. Upon settling down in his parish he married Miss Anne Harriet Margaret Sherwood, a daughter of the late Hon. Henry Sherwood, a Canadian legislator who sat in the old Assembly from 1843 to 1854, and who held office as Solicitor-General and Attorney-General for Canada West, respectively, in the Ministry of Mr. Draper, during the régime of Sir Charles Metcalfe and Earl Cathcart.

After officiating in Hawkesbury for four years, Mr. Lewis was appointed Rector of Brockville, where he remained until his election, in 1861, to the position which he now occupies. The seven years passed in the rectory at Brockville must have been busy ones, as we find numerous published sermons and pamphlets from his pen during this time. His sermons and writings generally are marked by much learning, and by an evident fondness for dialectics. Some of them have received high praise from the reviewers. One of them, entitled "A Plain Lecture to Enquirers into the meaning of the Liturgy," was thus characterized by the American Quarterly Church Review: "As an argument for Liturgical worship, and an answer to popular objections to the Prayer-book, this is one of the most valuable works we have ever seen." Other tracts of his have also been highly praised by persons whose praise is of value. The best known of his writings are "The Church of the New Testament;" "Does the Bible need re-translating?" "The Popular Baptist Argument Reviewed;" and "The Primitive Method of selecting Bishops;" the last-named production being given to the world in the Journal of Sacred Literature, published in London, England. During his residence at Brockville he interested himself actively in various local matters, sectarian and non-sectarian, and contributed to build up several important public institutions. He lectured before the Brockville Library Association and Mechanics' Institute, and did much to extend its membership and beneficial influence.

The territorial division of the Diocese of Toronto was a project which began to take shape about the time when the subject of this sketch first arrived in this country. Up to that time the Diocese of Toronto comprehended the whole extent of Upper Canada, and was altogether too large to permit of one man's discharging the duties of the Bishopric with perfect efficiency, even though that man were endowed with the tremendous energy and vitality of the late Bishop Strachan. The Diocese of Huron was in due time set apart and the late Rev. Dr. Benjamin Cronyn was elected to the Bishopric. In 1861 the eastern division was also set apart as the Diocese of Ontario, and at the meeting of the Synod held at Kingston in the summer of that year Mr. Lewis was elected to the office of Bishop. He was then only thirty-six years of age, and was probably the youngest Prelate in America. He soon afterwards removed to Kingston, and thence to Ottawa, where he now resides.

It will thus be seen that the Bishop has had a remarkably successful career since his arrival in Canada. He devotes himself assiduously to his official labours, and is held in high veneration by many of the clergymen of his Diocese. He has a numerous family, and a large circle of attached friends. His pulpit oratory is marked by fluency and smoothness of rhetoric, as well as by much learning and depth of thought.

CHARLES, LORD METCALFE

In former sketches we have seen how Responsible Government, after being strenuously contended for during many years in this country, and after its adoption had been vigorously recommended by Lord Durham, finally became an accomplished fact. We have seen how Lord Sydenham was sent over here as Governor-General for the purpose of carrying out the new order of things, and how, during his administration of affairs, the Union of the Provinces was finally effected in 1841. The Canadian Administration was carried on by both Lord Sydenham and his successor, Sir Charles Bagot, in accordance with the spirit of our new Constitution. In 1841 the Imperial Ministry, under whose auspices this Constitution had been framed, was deposed, and a Tory Government succeeded to power. In this Government the late Lord Derby, then Lord Stanley, held the portfolio appertaining to the office of Colonial Secretary. Soon after Sir Charles Bagot's resignation of the post of Governor-General, in the winter of 1842, Sir Charles Metcalfe was selected as his successor. The selection was made at the instance of Lord Stanley, who had all along been inimical to the scheme of Responsible Government in Canada, and there is reason for believing that he entertained the design of subverting it. His selection of Sir Charles Metcalfe, and his subsequent instructions and general policy, certainly lend colour to such a belief. The new Governor was a man of excellent intentions, and of more than average ability, but his previous training and experience had been such as to render him totally unfit for the post of a Constitutional Governor.

We can only afford space for a brief glance at his previous career, but even that brief glance will be sufficient to show how little sympathy he could be expected to have in colonial schemes of Responsible Government. He was born at Calcutta, on Sunday, the 30th of January, 1785, a few days before Warren Hastings ceased to be Governor-General of India. His father, Major Theophilus Metcalfe, of the Bengal army, was a gentleman of ample fortune, and a Director in the East India Company. Charles was the second son of his parents, and was destined at an early age for the Company's service. He was educated first at a private school at Bromley, in Middlesex, and afterwards at Eton College, where he remained until he had entered upon his sixteenth year, when he returned to India. He was appointed to a writership in the service of the Company, wherein for seven years he filled various offices, and in 1808 was selected by Lord Minto to take charge of a difficult mission to the Court of Lahore, the object of which was to secure the Sikh States, between the Sutlej and Jumna Rivers, from the grasp of Runjeet Singh. In this mission he fully succeeded, the treaty being concluded in 1809. He subsequently filled several other high offices of trust, and in 1827 took his seat as a member of the Supreme Council of India. Both his father and elder brother had meanwhile died, and he had become Sir Charles Metcalfe.

In 1835, upon Lord W. Bentinck's resignation, Sir Charles Metcalfe was provisionally appointed Governor-General, which office he held until Lord Auckland's arrival in the year following. During this short period he effected many bold and popular reforms, not the least of which was the liberation of the press of India from all restrictions. Under his immediate predecessor, Lord William Bentinck, the press had been as free as it is in England; but there were still certain laws or orders of a severe character, which at the pleasure of any future Governor might be called into operation. These Sir Charles Metcalfe repealed. His doing so gave umbrage to the Directors, and caused his resignation and return to Europe, when he was appointed Governor of Jamaica. The difficult duties of this position — the emancipation of the negroes having but recently occurred — were discharged by him to the satisfaction of the Government and the colonists. After over two years' residence the climate proved so unfavourable to his health that he was compelled to resign. The painful disease of which he afterwards died — cancer of the cheek — had seized him in a firm grip. Years before this time, when residing at Calcutta, a friend had one day noticed a red spot upon his cheek, and underneath it a single drop of blood. The blood was wiped away; the red spot remained. For a long while it occasioned neither pain nor anxiety. A little time after his departure from India, disquieting symptoms appeared, and on his arrival in England he had consulted Sir Benjamin Brodie; but it was not till his return from Jamaica that it received the attention it really demanded. Then consultations of the most eminent surgeons and physicians were held, and the application of a severe caustic was determined on. When told that it would probably "destroy the cheek through and through," he only answered, "What you determine shall be done at once;" and the same afternoon the painful remedy was applied. The physicians and surgeons of London did what they could for him, and he retired into the country. The disorder had not been eradicated, but merely checked. About this time the ill-health of Sir Charles Bagot had rendered that gentleman's resignation necessary, and the post of Governor-General of Canada thus became vacant. It was offered to, and accepted by, Sir Charles Metcalfe. No appointment could have been found for him at that moment in the whole political world the duties of which were more difficult, when the nature of his instructions and the peculiar position of the colony are taken into consideration. Add to this that his whole life had hitherto been passed in administering governments which were largely despotic in their character. Responsible Government, as we have seen, had been conceded to Canada. Sir Charles professed to approve of this concession, but his conduct throughout the whole course of his administration was at variance with his professions, and showed that his sympathies were not on the side of popular rights. He came over in the month of March, 1843, and on the following day took charge of the Administration. For the composition of the Government and an account of the situation of affairs in Canada at this time the reader is referred to the life of Robert Baldwin which has already appeared in these pages. The circumstances under which the Governor contrived to embroil himself with the leading members of the Administration are there given in sufficient detail, and there is no necessity for repeating them at length in this place. Sir Charles chose his associates and advisers from among the members of the defunct Family Compact. He endeavoured to circumscribe the power of the Executive Council, which demanded that no office should be filled, no appointment made, without its sanction. We are, argued the members of Council, in the same relation to the House of Assembly as Ministers in England to the English Parliament. We are responsible to it for the acts of Government; these acts must be ours, or the result of our advice, otherwise we cannot be responsible for them. Unless our demand is complied with, there is no such thing as Responsible Government. On the other hand, Sir Charles contended that by relinquishing his patronage he should be surrendering the prerogatives of the Crown, and should also incapacitate himself and all future Governors from acting as moderator between opposite factions. It was not long before an appointment, made by Sir Charles, brought the contest to an issue. Messrs. Baldwin and Lafontaine, the two leading members of the Executive Council, urged upon the Governor to retract this appointment, or to promise that no other should be made without their advice. The Governor was firm in his refusal. The Executive Council resigned. To form a new Ministry was, under these circumstances, a most difficult task. Office went begging; a Solicitor-Generalship was offered to six individuals, and perseveringly refused by all. But Sir Charles was also persevering in his offers, and at last a seventh was found, who accepted. At last a weak Ministry was formed, and then followed a general election. Parliament met at Montreal on the 8th of November, 1844, when, after a hard fight, Sir Allan Macnab was elected Speaker of the Assembly by a small majority of three. The debate on the address, after strong opposition, was carried by a Tory majority of six. The session dragged on without any change in the character of the Ministry, which was supported by a small and feeble majority in the Assembly. The popular feeling against the Governor rose to the highest pitch. Meantime Sir Charles's terrible malady was rapidly doing its work upon him. He had lost the use of one eye, the eye which was still useful sympathized with that which was destroyed; nor was there any hope of the eradication of the cancer. He had now, to his great regret, to use the hand of another to write his letters and despatches. He was racked by pains above the eye and down the right side of the face as far as the chin. The cheek towards the nose and mouth was permanently swelled. He could not open his mouth to its usual width, and it was with difficulty he inserted and masticated food. He no longer looked forward to a cure. His Canadian medical attendants hesitated to apply the powerful caustic recommended by Sir Benjamin Brodie, and counselled him to return to England. "I am tied to Canada by my duty," was his constant reply. Mr. George Pollock, house surgeon of St. George's Hospital, was despatched from England, to examine the case and apply the most approved remedies. No aid which science could give was wanting, but the disease was beyond medical control. Its ravages were now most painful and distressing. So far as the body was concerned, it was but the wreck of a man that remained. On this wreck or ruin, however, was to descend, as if in mockery, the coronet of nobility. He was created Baron Metcalfe. Idle as the honour was in itself to the childless invalid, it was still a testimony that his services had been appreciated. "But," says his biographer, "he was dying, no less surely for the strong will that sustained him, and the vigorous intellect which glowed in his shattered frame. A little while and he might die at his post. The winter was setting in — the navigation was closing. It was necessary at once to decide whether Metcalfe should now prepare to betake the suffering remnant of himself to England, or to abide at Montreal, if spared, till the coming spring. But he would not trust himself to form the decision. He invited the leading members of his Council to attend him at Monklands; and there he told them that he left the issue in their hands. It was a scene never to be forgotten by any who were present in the Governor-General's darkened room on this memorable occasion. Some were dissolved in tears. All were agitated by a strong emotion of sorrow and sympathy, mingled with a sort of wondering admiration of the heroic constancy of their chief. He told them that if they desired his continuance at the head of the Government — if they believed that the cause for which they had fought together so manfully would suffer by his departure, and that they therefore counselled him to remain at his post, he would willingly abide by their decision." What their decision was need hardly be said. Lord Metcalfe embarked for England quietly and unostentatiously, as his suffering state compelled. He could not, from the nature of the struggle in which he had been engaged, expect to quit the shores of Canada with the same unanimous approbation that had erected to his memory the "Metcalfe Hall" at Calcutta, or raised his statue in Spanish Town, Jamaica. He returned to England — returned to doctors and the darkened room. He was in constant pain except when under the influence of narcotics; but he made no complaint, and endured his sufferings with fortitude. He died on the 5th of September, 1846, and was interred in a quiet, private and unostentatious manner in the little parish church of Winkfield, near Fern Hill. He had often expressed a wish that this should be his last resting place. On a marble tablet in this church is an epitaph written by Mr. — afterwards Lord — Macaulay, who knew and had served with him in India. Thus it runs: — "Near this stone is laid Charles Theophilus, first and last Lord Metcalfe, a Statesman tried in many high posts and difficult conjunctures, and found equal to all. The Three Greatest Dependencies of the British Crown were successively intrusted to his care. In India his fortitude, his wisdom, his probity, and his moderation are held in honourable remembrance by men of many races, languages, and religions. In Jamaica, still convulsed by a social revolution, he calmed the evil passions which long suffering had engendered in one class and long domination in another. In Canada, not yet recovered from the calamities of civil war, he reconciled contending factions to each other and to the Mother Country. Public esteem was the just reward of his public virtue, but those only who enjoyed the privilege of his friendship could appreciate the whole worth of his gentle and noble nature. Costly monuments in Asiatic and American cities attest the gratitude of nations which he ruled; this tablet records the sorrow and the pride with which his memory is cherished by private Affection."

Had it been his good fortune to die before receiving the appointment of Governor-General of Canada, Sir Charles Metcalfe would have left behind him a high reputation on all hands, and there would have been nothing to detract from the praise which would have been justly his due. His tenure of office in this country was a somewhat inglorious close to a long and useful public career. As Governor of a colony to which Responsible Government had been conceded he was altogether out of his element. He was simply unfit for the position, as well by reason of his personal character as by the training to which he had been subjected. Good intentions were undoubtedly his, and he acted up to the light that was in him; but to this modicum of praise no Canadian writer can justly add much in the way of commendation.

THE HON. ALEXANDER MORRIS

Mr. Morris is the eldest son of the late Hon. William Morris, whose name is prominently identified with the history of the Clergy Reserve and School Land questions in this country; and a nephew of the late Hon. James Morris, who held the portfolio of Postmaster-General in the Baldwin-Lafontaine Administration, and who was subsequently Receiver-General in the Administration organized under the leadership of Messrs. John Sandfield Macdonald and Louis Victor Sicotte. The chief points of public interest connected with the family history are outlined in the sketch of his father's life, which appears elsewhere in these pages. The subject of the present memoir was born at Perth, Upper Canada — where his father then resided and carried on business — on the 17th of March, 1826. In boyhood he attended the local Grammar School, which enjoyed a high reputation for the efficiency of its educational training. His father, who was desirous that his son should enjoy higher scholastic advantages than were then obtainable in this country, sent him, while he was still in early youth, to Scotland, where he entered as a student at Madras College, St. Andrews. After spending about a year at that establishment he was transferred to the University of Glasgow, where another industrious year was passed. Returning to his native land, he began to devote himself to the business of life. He at this time was intended for commercial pursuits, and spent three years in the establishment of Messrs. Thorne & Heward, commission merchants, at Montreal. The knowledge and experience gained during these three years have since proved of great service to him, although he was not destined to engage in commercial business on his own behalf. He had meanwhile resolved to enter the legal profession in Upper Canada, and was accordingly articled as a clerk to Mr. — now the Hon. Sir — John A. Macdonald, in the office of Messrs. Macdonald & Campbell, Barristers, of Kingston. Here he studied with such assiduity that his health gave way, and he was compelled to relinquish his studies for some months. His father having previously removed to Montreal, he returned to that city and resumed his scholastic studies in the University of McGill College, where he took the degrees successively of B.A., M.A., B.C.L., and D.C.L. He was the first graduate in the Arts course of that institution, and was subsequently elected by the graduates one of the first Fellows in Arts, and thence was promoted to be one of the Governors of the University, which position he held for several years. He entered the office of the then Attorney-General Badgley, who subsequently became a Judge of the Court of Queen's Bench in Quebec. He completed his course of studies in the office of Messrs. Badgley & Abbott, and then proceeded to Toronto, where he presented his credentials to the Benchers of the Law Society and requested to be called to the Bar, under the provisions of the law which enabled any person who had been duly registered as a clerk or student during the necessary period for the Bar of Lower Canada, to be called to the Bar of Upper Canada, after passing the necessary examination. He was examined in due course by the Benchers of Upper Canada, admitted to the degree of Barrister-at-Law, and was thereafter sworn in as an Attorney — both in Hilary Term of the year 1851. He was then about to establish himself in the practice of the law in the city of Toronto, having been offered a partnership by the then Attorney-General, the late Hon. John Ross, when family circumstances led to his return to Montreal, where, having presented his diploma as a Barrister-at-Law of Upper Canada, he was after examination called to the Bar of Lower Canada as an Advocate. In November of the same year he married Miss Margaret Cline, daughter of the late Mr. William Cline, of Cornwall, and niece of the late Hon. Philip Vankoughnet, of the same place. He entered upon the practice of his profession in Montreal. His ability and social connections soon secured for him a large and lucrative practice, and having entered into partnership with the present Mr. Justice Torrance, he became known as one of the most successful practitioners in the Province, devoting himself mainly to commercial law. Like his father before him, he attached himself to the Conservative side in politics, and first entered active political life in 1861, when he contested the constituency of South Lanark, in Upper Canada, for the Legislative Assembly, in opposition to Mr. John Doran. His father had represented that constituency for twenty years, and he had no difficulty in securing his election. Upon the opening of the session he took his seat in the House, and made his first speech, on the debate on the Speech from the Throne, which was on the question of Representation by Population — a measure which he did not believe to be the true remedy for the unsatisfactory state of things which existed throughout the country. The true remedy, as he believed, and as he repeatedly urged, both from his place in Parliament and elsewhere, was the Confederation scheme which was subsequently adopted. In the negotiations which led to the formation of the Coalition Government, of which Sir John A. Macdonald and the late Hon. George Brown were members, and which secured the necessary Imperial legislation in order to bring about Confederation, he took an active and initiatory part, as appears by the record of the steps taken to form the Government, and secure that policy submitted to the Parliament of Canada at the time. He continued to represent South Lanark in the Assembly until Confederation, after which he represented it in the House of Commons until the general election of 1872. He was an active member, and stood high in the esteem of his Party. In the month of November, 1869, he accepted office in the then-existing Government as Minister of Inland Revenue, which he retained until, having resigned his position in the Government owing to broken health, he received the appointment of Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench of Manitoba, in July, 1872. Of this office he was the first incumbent, no Court of Queen's Bench having previously existed there. The highest judicial tribunal which had existed in the Prairie Province up to that time was the Quarterly Court, as it was called, organized under the authority of the Hudson's Bay Company's Charter, and conducted in a rather primitive way. A short time prior to the date last mentioned this tribunal was abolished, and the Court of Queen's Bench established in its place. After accepting the office of Chief Justice, Mr. Morris prepared a series of rules introducing the English practice into the Court. He did not long retain his seat on the Judicial Bench, as, two months after his appointment as Chief Justice, he was nominated as Administrator, in place of Lieutenant-Governor Archibald, who was absent on leave. On the 2nd of December, 1872, he received the appointment of Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, a position which he retained for five years. On the creation of the District of Keewatin he became Lieutenant-Governor of that territory ex officio. He was also appointed Chief Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the Manitoba Superintendency, and one of the Special Commissioners for the making of treaties three, four, five and six, and the revision of treaties one and two; and, as will be seen from the last report of the Minister of the Interior, he suggested the making of the last and seventh treaty — that with the Blackfeet. In the making of these treaties he was the active Commissioner and chief spokesman, and was very successful in winning the confidence of the Indian tribes. The treaties in question extinguished the natural title of the Indian tribes to the vast region extending from the Height of Land beyond Lake Superior to the Blackfeet country in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains, covering the route of the Canada Pacific Railway, and opening up a vast extent of fertile territory to settlement. When Mr. Morris assumed the government of Manitoba the Province was in a very disturbed condition. He had the satisfaction of leaving it reduced to order, and far advanced in settlement and legislative progress. On his departure from Manitoba, the Free Press, the organ of the Liberal Party, thus referred to his career in the North-West: "To-morrow is the last day of Hon. Alexander Morris's connection with Manitoba as Lieutenant-Governor. When, five years ago, the announcement was made that Chief Justice Morris had been appointed to the position which he is now just about vacating, very general satisfaction was manifested by the people of the Province. Mr. Morris succeeded to the office when it was surrounded by difficulties great and complicated; and the task before its incumbent was by no means an easy one. The Province occupied a most peculiar position; having just had constitutional self-government thrust upon it, without any preparatory training. The Lieutenant-Governor necessarily found himself at the head of a people who, no matter how good their intentions, could not reasonably be expected to have a very perfect appreciation of the true position of a Lieutenant-Governor under such a government. Lieutenant-Governor Morris during the early part of his official career had plenty of evidence of this, and it devolved upon him, in no small degree, to impress upon them exactly what such government entailed — that the Lieutenant-Governor was supposed to act almost solely upon the advice of the Crown Ministers of the day, who in turn were responsible to the people's chosen representatives in Parliament. And in no one way has Governor Morris more distinguished himself than in the observance of this fundamental principle of our constitution, however much he may actually have assisted in the government of the country by his ripe experience and statesmanship. The smallest Province though Manitoba is, the office of its Lieutenant-Governor has entailed more extensive responsibilities than that of any other Province in the Dominion."

Upon the completion of his term of office Mr. Morris returned from Manitoba to his native town of Perth, in Ontario, where he had a residence. At the last general election for the House of Commons, in 1878, he contested the constituency of Selkirk, Manitoba, with the Hon. Donald A. Smith, but was defeated by nine votes. Mr. Smith was, however, unseated on petition. About two months later the Hon. Matthew Crooks Cameron, who sat in the Local Legislature of Ontario for East Toronto, was appointed to a Puisné Judgeship of the Court of Queen's Bench. This left a vacancy in the representation of East Toronto, and Mr. Morris, who was then a resident of Perth, was nominated for the vacancy by a Conservative Convention. He offered himself as a candidate for the constituency, and was elected by a considerable majority over his opponent, Mr. John Leys. At the general local elections held on the 5th of June following Mr. Morris was again returned for East Toronto — of which he had in the interval become a resident — by a majority of 57 over the Hon. Oliver Mowat, Premier of Ontario. He continues to represent that constituency, and occupies a prominent place as a member of the Opposition.

Mr. Morris has also made a creditable name for himself in literature. In 1854 he published a quasi-professional work embodying the Railway Consolidation Acts of Canada, with notes of cases. In 1855 appeared "Canada and Her Resources," an essay to which was awarded the second prize offered by the Paris Exhibition Committee of Canada — the first prize having been awarded to the well-known essay by the late Mr. John Sheridan Hogan by Sir Edmund Head, then Governor-General. Three years later — in 1858 — he delivered a lecture before the Mercantile Library Association of Montreal, in which was predicted the federation of the British American Provinces and the construction of the Intercolonial and Pacific Railways — subjects to which Mr. Morris had given a good deal of attention ever since, when a youth, he had read and studied Lord Durham's famous "Report" on Canada. This lecture was published, in pamphlet form, under the title of "Nova Britannia; or, British North America, its extent and future," by the Library Association. It was widely circulated, and attracted a good deal of attention, not only in this country but in Great Britain and the United States. No fewer than three thousand copies of it were sold in ten days. A contemporary notice of this pamphlet thus refers to the author and his theory: "Mr. Morris is at once statistical, patriotic and prophetic. The lecturer sees in the future a fusion of races, a union of all the existing provinces, with new provinces to grow up in the west, and a railway to the Pacific. The design of the lecture is excellent, and its facts seem to have been carefully collected." In 1859 Mr. Morris delivered and published another lecture of a somewhat similar nature, under the title of "The Hudson's Bay and Pacific Territories," advocating the withdrawal of the North-West Territories from the rule of the Hudson's Bay Company, and their incorporation with the Confederacy of Canada along with British Columbia. His latest work, published during the month of May last, is entitled, "The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West Territories." It gives an account of all the treaties made with these Indians, from the original one made by Lord Selkirk down to the present time; contains suggestions for dealing with them, and predicts a hopeful future for them.

Mr. Morris has for many years taken an active part in the Church Courts of, first, the Presbyterian Church of Canada in connection with the Church of Scotland, and since the union of the four Presbyterian Churches of the Dominion as the Presbyterian Church in Canada, as a representative to the Assembly of that Church. He has been for twenty years a Trustee of Queen's College, Kingston, of which his father was one of the active founders. Mr. Morris actively assisted in bringing about the union of the Churches above alluded to, affirming it to be in the highest interests of Presbyterianism and religion in the Dominion that such a consummation should be brought about.

THE HON. THOMAS TALBOT

Not often does it fall to the lot of the biographer to chronicle a more singular piece of history than is afforded by the life of the founder of the Talbot Settlement in Western Canada. A contemporary writer has proved to us that Ireland has, at one time and another, contributed her full share of notable personages to our population; and Colonel Talbot is certainly entitled to rank among the most remarkable of them all. A man of high birth and social position, of good abilities, with a decided natural turn for an active military career, and with excellent prospects of success before him, he voluntarily forsook the influences under which he had been reared, and spent by far the greater part of a long life in the solitude of the Canadian wilderness. He was the early associate and life-long friend of the illustrious Duke of Wellington. At the outset of their careers, any impartial friend of the two youths might not unreasonably have predicted a higher and wider fame for the scion of the House of Talbot than for Arthur Wellesley; for the former was the brighter, and apparently the more ambitious of the two, and his connections were at least equally influential. Had any one indulged in such a vaticination, however, his prediction would have been most ignominiously falsified by subsequent events. Arthur Wellesley lived to achieve a reputation second to that of scarcely any name in history. He became the most famous and successful military commander of modern times. Nations vied with each other in heaping well-deserved honours upon his head, and his Sovereign characterized him as "the greatest general England ever saw." Statesmen and princes hung upon his words, and even upon his nod; and lovely women languished for his smiles. When he died, full of years and honours, and everything of good which a grateful nation has to bestow, his body lay in state at Chelsea Hospital. It was visited by the high and mighty ones of the Empire, and was contemplated with an almost superstitious awe. It was finally borne with regal pomp, through streets draped in mourning, and thronged by a countless multitude, to its final resting-place in the crypt of the noblest of English cathedrals. The funeral rites were solemnized amid the tears of a nation, and formed an event in that nation's history. The obsequies of "the Iron Duke" took place on the 18th of November, 1852. In less than three months from that date his friend Colonel Talbot also went the way of all flesh. But by how different a road! His life, though it had by no means been spent in vain, had had little to commend it to the emulation or envy of mankind. Its most vigorous season had been passed amid the solitude of the Canadian forest, and in its decline it had become the prey of selfishness and neglect. Colonel Talbot died in a small room in the house of a man who had once been his servant. He must have tasted the bitterness of death many times before he finally entered into his rest. Neither wife, child, nor relative ministered to his wants. But scant ceremony was vouchsafed to his remains. His body, instead of lying in state, was deposited in a barn, and was finally attended to its last obscure resting-place in a little Canadian village by a handful of friends and acquaintances. The weather was piercingly cold, and we may be sure that the obsequies were not unnecessarily prolonged. Surely the force of antithesis could not much farther go!

And yet, as we review the widely diverse careers of these two remarkable men, it is difficult to arrive at any other conclusion than that the result in each case was the legitimate outgrowth of their respective qualities. Arthur Wellesley, in his earliest boyhood, formed a definite purpose in life; and that purpose, during all the years of his probation, was kept constantly in view. Every other passion was kept in due subordination to it. Fortune was kind to him, and he well knew how to avail himself of her favours. The acquisition of fame, moreover, bears some analogy to the acquisition of wealth. The first step is by far the most difficult. Dr. Johnson once said that any man of strong will has it in his power to make a fortune, if he can only contrive to tide over the time while he is scraping together the first hundred pounds. Arthur Wellesley, having got his foot firmly on the first rung of the ladder, found the rest of the ascent feasible enough. Now, Thomas Talbot was endowed by nature with a will so strong as almost to deserve the name of stubbornness, but that was almost the only quality which he shared in common with his friend. If he ever formed any definite scheme of life he was certainly very inconsistent in pursuing it. His moods were as erratic as were those of the hero of Locksley Hall. He was unable to bring his mind into harmony with the inevitable, and knew not how to subordinate himself to the existing order of things. Even as an army-officer he was not always amenable to discipline. The follies and frivolities of society disgusted him, and his mind early received a warp from which it never recovered. He lived in a time when there was plenty of work ready to his hand, if he would but have condescended to take his share of it. The work, however, was not to his taste, and his ambition seems to have deserted him at a most inopportune time. He "burst all links of habit," withdrew himself from his proper place in the world, and passed the rest of his days in solitude and obscurity. As the founder of an important settlement in a new Province, he certainly accomplished some good in his day and generation. The enterprise, however, does not seem to have been undertaken with any definite design of accomplishing good, but merely with a view to securing a more congenial mode of life for himself. That a man reared as he had been should find anything congenial in such a life is a problem which is insoluble to ordinary humanity.

The family from which he sprang has long been celebrated both in English and continental history. Readers of Shakespeare's historical plays are, it is to be hoped, sufficiently familiar with that "scourge of France" who was defied by Joan of Arc, and who, with his son, John Talbot, fell bravely fighting his country's battles on the field of Castillon, near Bordeaux. It would be difficult for a man to sustain the burden of a long line of such ancestors as these. It is therefore reassuring to learn that the Talbot line has been diversified by representatives of another sort. Readers of Macaulay's History are familiar with the name of Richard Talbot, that noted sharper, bully, pimp and pander, who haunted Whitehall during the years immediately succeeding the Restoration; whose genius for mendacity procured for him the nickname of "Lying Dick Talbot;" who became the husband of Frances Jennings; who slandered Anne Hyde for the money of the Duke of York; who, in a word, was one of the greatest scoundrels that figured in those iniquitous times; and who was subsequently raised by James II. to the Earldom of Tyrconnel. "Lying Dick" was a member of the Irish branch of the Talbot family, which settled in Ireland during the reign of Henry II., and became possessed of the ancient baronial castle of Malahide, in the county of Dublin. The Talbots of Malahide trace their descent from the same stock as the Talbots who have been Earls of Shrewsbury, in the peerage of Great Britain, since the middle of the fifteenth century. The father of the subject of this sketch was Richard Talbot, of Malahide. His mother was Margaret, Baroness Talbot; and he himself was born at Malahide on the 17th of July, 1771.

All that can be ascertained about his childhood is that he spent some years at the Public Free School at Manchester, and that he received a commission in the army in the year 1782, when he was only eleven years of age. Whether or not he left school immediately after obtaining this commission does not appear, but his education must have been very imperfect, as he was not of a studious disposition, and in 1786, when he was only sixteen, we find him installed as an aide-de-camp to his relative the Marquis of Buckingham, who was then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. His brother aide was the Arthur Wellesley already referred to. The two boys were necessarily thrown much together, and each of them formed a warm attachment for the other. Their future paths in life lay far apart, but they never ceased to correspond, and to recall the happy time they had spent together,

“Yearning for the large excitement that

the coming years would yield.”

Young Talbot continued in the position of aide-de-camp for several years. In 1790 he joined the 24th Regiment, which was then stationed at Quebec, in the capacity of Lieutenant. We have no record of his life during the next few months. Upon the arrival of Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe at Quebec, at the end of May, 1792, Lieutenant Talbot, who had nearly completed his twenty-first year, became attached to the Governor's suite in the capacity of private secretary. He continued to form part of the establishment of Upper Canada's first Lieutenant-Governor until just before the latter's removal from this country. "During that period," says General Simcoe, writing in 1803, "he not only conducted many details and important duties incidental to the original establishment of a colony, in matters of internal regulation, to my entire satisfaction, but was employed in the most confidential measures necessary to preserve the country in peace, without violating, on the one hand, the relations of amity with the United States; and on the other, alienating the affection of the Indian nations, at that period in open war with them. In this very critical situation, I principally made use of Mr. Talbot for the most confidential intercourse with the several Indian Tribes; and occasionally with his Majesty's Minister at Philadelphia; and these duties, without any salary or emolument, he executed to my perfect satisfaction."

It seems to have been during his tenure of office as secretary to Governor Simcoe that the idea of embracing a pioneer's life in Canada first took possession of young Talbot's mind. It has been alleged that his imagination was fired by reading a translation of part of Charlevoix's "Historie Générale de la Nouvelle France," a work which describes the writer's own experiences in the wilds of Canada in a pleasant and easy fashion. This idea is probably attributable to an assertion made by Colonel Talbot himself to Mrs. Jameson, when that lady visited him during her brief sojourn in Upper Canada. "Charlevoix," said he, "was, I believe, the true cause of my coming to this place. You know he calls this the Paradise of the Hurons. Now I was resolved to get to Paradise by hook or by crook, and so I came here." It is much more probable, however, that he was influenced by his own experiences in the Canadian forest, which for him would possess all the charm of novelty, in addition to its natural beauties. He accompanied the Lieutenant-Governor hither and thither, and traversed in his company the greater part of what then constituted Upper Canada. He formed a somewhat intimate acquaintance with the Honourable William Osgoode, the first Chief Justice of this Province, who was for some time an inmate of Governor Simcoe's abode at Niagara — or Newark, as it was then generally called. The Chief Justice felt the isolation of his position very keenly, and was doubtless glad to relax his mind by communion with the young Irish lieutenant, who possessed no inconsiderable share of the humour characteristic of his nationality, and could make himself a boon companion. At this time there would seem to have been nothing of the misanthrope about Lieutenant Talbot. He seemed to take fully as much enjoyment out of life as his circumstances admitted of. His constitution was robust, and his disposition cheerful. He was prim, and indeed fastidious about his personal appearance, and was keenly alive to everything that was going on about him. He was popular among all the members of the household, and was the especial friend of Major Littlehales, the adjutant and general secretary, whose name is familiar to most persons who take an interest in the history of the early settlement of this Province.

On the 4th of February, 1793, an expedition which was destined to have an important bearing upon the future life of Lieutenant Talbot, as well as upon the future history of the Province, set out from Navy Hall¹ to explore the pathless wilds of Upper Canada. It consisted of Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe himself and several of his officers, among whom were Major Littlehales and the subject of the present sketch. The Major kept a diary during the journey, which was given to the world more than forty years afterwards in the Canadian Literary Magazine, a periodical of which several numbers were published in Toronto in 1834. The expedition occupied five weeks, and extended as far as Detroit. The route lay through Mohawk village, on the Grand River, where the party were entertained by Joseph Brant; thence westward to where Woodstock now stands; and so on by a somewhat devious course to Detroit, the greater part of the journey being necessarily made on foot. On the return journey the party camped on the present site of London, which Governor Simcoe then pronounced to be an admirable position for the future capital of the Province. One important result of this long and toilsome journey was the construction of Dundas Street, or, as it is frequently called, "the Governor's Road." The whole party were delighted with the wild and primitive aspect of the country through which they passed, but not one of them manifested such enthusiasm as young Lieutenant Talbot, who expressed a strong desire to explore the land farther to the south, bordering on Lake Erie. His desire was gratified in the course of the following autumn, when Governor Simcoe indulged himself and several members of his suite with another western excursion. During this journey the party encamped on the present site of Port Talbot, which the young Lieutenant declared to be the loveliest situation for a dwelling he had ever seen. "Here," said he, "will I roost, and will soon make the forest tremble under the wings of the flock I will invite by my warblings around me." Whether he was serious in this declaration at the time may be doubted; but, as will presently be seen, he ultimately kept his word.

In 1793 young Talbot received his majority. In 1796 he became Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fifth Regiment of Foot. He returned to Europe, and joined his regiment, which was despatched on active service to the Continent. He himself was busily employed during this period, and was for some time in command of two battalions. Upon the conclusion of the Peace of Amiens, on the 27th of March, 1802, he sold his commission, retired from the service, and prepared to carry out the intention expressed by him to Governor Simcoe nine years before, of pitching his tent in the wilds of Canada. Why he adopted this course it is impossible to do more than conjecture. He never married, but remained a bachelor to the end of his days. One writer ventures the hypothesis that he had been crossed in love. The only justification, so far as we are aware, for this hypothesis, is a half jocular expression of the Colonel's some years afterwards. A friend having bantered him on the subject of his remaining so long in a state of single blessedness, took an opportunity of questioning him about it, and in the course of a familiar chat, asked him why he remained so long single, when he stood so much in need of a help-mate. "Why," said the Colonel, "to tell you the truth, I never saw but one woman that I really cared anything about, and she would'nt have me; and to use an old joke, those who would have me, the devil would'nt have them. Miss Johnston," continued the Colonel, "the daughter of Sir J. Johnston, was the only girl I ever loved, and she wouldn't have me."

Whatever cause may have impelled him, it is sufficiently evident that he had become out of sorts with society, and had resolved to betake himself to a distance from the haunts of civilized mankind. Aided by the influence of ex-Governor Simcoe and other powerful friends, he obtained a grant of five thousand acres of land as a Field Officer meaning to reside in the Province, and to permanently establish himself there. The land was situated in the southern part of the Upper Canadian peninsula, bordering on Lake Erie, and included the site of what afterwards became Port Talbot. This, however, was only a portion of the advantage derivable from the grant. In addition to the tract so conferred upon him he obtained a preëmptive or proprietary right over an immense territory including about half a million acres, and comprising twenty-eight of the adjacent townships.² For every settler placed by the Colonel on fifty acres of this land, he was entitled to a patent of a hundred and fifty additional acres for himself. He thus obtained practical control of an expanse of territory which, as has been said, was "a principality in extent." Armed with these formidable powers he once more crossed the Atlantic, and made his way to the present site of Port Talbot, which had so hugely attracted his fancy during his tour with Governor Simcoe. He reached the spot on the 21st of May, 1803, and immediately set to work with his axe, and cut down the first tree, to commemorate his landing to take possession of his woodland estate. The settlement which subsequently bore his name was then an unbroken forest, and there were no traces of civilization nearer than Long Point, sixty miles to the eastward, while to the westward the aborigines were still the lords of the soil, and rules with the tomahawk. In this sequestered region Colonel Talbot took up his abode, and literally made for himself "a local habitation and a name."

At the time of his arrival he was accompanied by two or three stalwart settlers who had crossed the Atlantic under his auspices, and with their assistance he was not long in erecting an abode which was thenceforward known as Castle Malahide. It was built on a high cliff overhanging the lake. The "Castle" was "neither more nor less than a long range of low buildings, formed of logs and shingles." The main structure consisted of three divisions, or apartments; viz., a granary, which was also used as a store-room; a dining-room, which was also used as an office and reception-room for visitors; and a kitchen. There was another building close by, containing a range of bed-rooms, where guests could be made comfortable for the night. In his later years, the Colonel added a suite of rooms of more lofty pretensions, but without disturbing the old tenements, and these sumptuous apartments were reserved for state occasions. There were underground cellars for wine, milk, and kitchen stores. This description applies to the establishment as it appeared when finally completed. For some time after the Colonel's first arrival it was much less pretentious, and consisted of a single log shanty. In order to prevent settlers and other people from intruding upon his privacy unnecessarily, the Colonel caused one of the panes of glass in the window of his office to be removed, and a little door, swung upon hinges, to be substituted, after the fashion sometimes seen at rural post-offices. By means of this little swinging door he held conferences with all persons whom he did not chose to admit to a closer communication. This, which at a first glance, would seem to smack of superciliousness, was in reality nothing more than a judicious precaution. In the course of his dealings with settlers and emigrants, some of them were tempted, by the loneliness of his situation, to browbeat, and even to manifest violence towards him. On one occasion, it is said, he was assaulted and thrown down by one of the "land pirates," as he used to call them. The solitary situation in which he had voluntarily placed himself, and the power he possessed of distributing lands, required him to act frequently with apparent harshness, in order to avoid being imposed upon by land jobbers, and to prevent artful men from overreaching their weaker-minded brethren. His henchman, house-steward and major-domo, was a faithful servant whose name was Jeffery Hunter, in whom his master had great confidence, and who, as we are gravely informed, was very useful in reaching down the maps. Jeffery, however, did not enter the Colonel's employ until the later had been some time in the country. Previous to that time this scion of aristocracy was generally compelled to be his own servant, and to cook, bake, and perform all the household drudgery, which he was not unfrequently compelled to perform in the presence of distinguished guests.

Some years seem to have elapsed before the Colonel attracted any considerable number of settlers around him. The work of settlement cannot be said to have commenced in earnest until 1809. It was no light thing in those days for a man with a family dependent upon him to bury himself in the remote wildernesses of Western Canada. There was no flouring-mill, for instance, within sixty miles of Castle Malahide. In the earliest years of the settlement the few residents were compelled to grind their own grain after a primitive fashion, in a mortar formed by hollowing out a basin in the stump of a tree with a heated iron. The grain was placed in the basin, and then pounded with a heavy wooden beetle until it bore some resemblance to meal. In process of time the Colonel built a mill in the township of Dunwich, not far from his own abode. It was a great boon to the settlement, but was not long in existence, having been destroyed during the American invasion in 1812. For the first twenty years of the Colonel's settlement, the hardships he as well as his settlers had to contend with were of no ordinary kind, and such only as could be overcome by industry and patient endurance.

Colonel Talbot for many years exercised almost imperial sway over the district. He even provided for the wants of those in his immediate neighbourhood, and assembled them at his house on the first day of the week for religious worship. He read to them the services of the Church of England, and insured punctual attendance by sending the whiskey-bottle round among his congregation at the close of the ceremonial. Though never a religious man, even in the broadest acceptation of the term, he solemnized marriages and baptized the children. So that his government was, in the fullest and best sense, patriarchal. His method of transferring land was eminently simple and informal. No deeds were given, nor were any formal books of entry called into requisition. For many years the only records were sheet maps, showing the position of each separate lot enclosed in a small space within four black lines. When the terms of transfer had been agreed upon, the Colonel wrote the purchaser's name within the space assigned to the particular lot disposed of, and this was the only muniment of title. If the purchaser afterwards disposed of his lot, the vendor and vendee appeared at Castle Malahide, when, if the Colonel approved of the transaction, he simply obliterated the former purchaser's name with a piece of india-rubber, and substituted that of the new one. "Illustrations might be multiplied," says a contemporary Canadian writer, "of the peculiar way in which Colonel Talbot of Malahide discharged the duties he had undertaken to perform. There is a strong vein of the ludicrous running through these performances. We doubt whether transactions respecting the sale and transfer of real estate were, on any other occasion, or in any other place, carried on in a similar way. Pencil and india-rubber performances were, we venture to think, never before promoted to such trustworthy distinction, or called on to discharge such responsible duties as those which they described on the maps of which Jeffery and the dogs appeared to be the guardians. There is something irresistibly amusing in the fact that such an estate, exceeding half a million of acres, should have been disposed of in such a manner, with the help of such machinery, and, so far as we are aware, to the satisfaction of all concerned. It shows that a bad system faithfully worked is better than a good system basely managed."³

During the American invasion of 1812-'13 and '14, Colonel Talbot commanded the militia of the district, and was present at the battles of Lundy's Lane and Fort Erie. Marauding parties sometimes found their way to Castle Malahide during this troubled period, and what few people there were in the settlement suffered a good deal of annoyance. Within a day or two after the battle of the Thames, where the brave Tecumseh met his doom, a party of these marauders, consisting of Indians and scouts from the American army, presented themselves at Fort Talbot, and summoned the garrison to surrender. The place was not fortified, and the garrison consisted merely of a few farmers who had enrolled themselves in the militia under the temporary command of a Captain Patterson. A successful defence was out of the question and Colonel Talbot, who would probably have been deemed an important capture, quietly walked out of the back door as the invaders entered at the front. Some of the Indians saw the Colonel, who was dressed in homely, everyday garb, walking off through the woods, and were about to fire on him, when they were restrained by Captain Patterson, who begged them not to hurt the poor old fellow, who, he said, was the person who tended the sheep. This white lie probably saved the Colonel's life. The marauders, however, rifled the place, and carried off everything they could lay hands on, including some valuable horses and cattle. Colonel Talbot's gold, consisting of about two quart pots full, and some valuable plate, concealed under the front wing of the house, escaped notice. The invaders set fire to the grist mill, which was totally consumed, and this was a serious loss to the settlement generally.

It was not till the year 1817 that anything like a regular store or shop was established in the settlement. Previous to that time the wants of the settlers were frequently supplied from the stores of Colonel Talbot, who provided necessaries for his own use, and for the men whom he employed. The Colonel was punctual in all his engagements, and scrupulously exact in all monetary transactions. The large sums he received for many years from the settlers were duly and properly accounted for to the Government. He would accept payment of his claims only in the form of notes on the Bank of Upper Canada, and persons having any money to pay him were always compelled to provide themselves accordingly. His accumulations were carefully stored in the place of concealment above referred to; and once a year he carried his wealth to Little York, and made his returns. This annual trip to Little York was made in the depth of winter, and was almost the only event that took him away from home, except on the two or three occasions when he visited the old country. He was accustomed to make the journey to the Provincial capital in a high box sleigh, clad in a sheepskin greatcoat which was known to pretty nearly every man in the settlement.

THE HON. DAVID LAIRD,

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF THE NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES

The Hon. David Laird is the fourth son of the late Hon. Alexander Laird, a Scottish farmer who, in the year 1819, emigrated from Renfrewshire to Prince Edward Island. The late Mr. Laird settled in Queen's County, about sixteen miles from Charlottetown, the capital of the Province, and devoted himself to agriculture. He was a man of high character and great influence, alike in political and social matters. For about sixteen years he represented the First District of Queen's County in the Local Assembly, and during one Parliamentary term of four years he was a member of the Executive Council. He was a colleague and supporter of the Hon. George Coles, who is called the father of Responsible Government in Prince Edward Island. He was one of the signatories to the petition forwarded by the Assembly to the Home Government in 1847, praying that Responsible Government might be conceded; and he had the satisfaction of sitting in the Assembly on the 25th of March, 1851, when Sir Alexander Bannerman, the Governor, announced that the prayer of the petition had been granted. He was also for many years one of the most active members of the Managing Committee of the Royal Agricultural Society of Prince Edward, an institution which did much for the advancement of agricultural industry in the Province, by encouraging the importation of improved stock, and by other similar operations.

The subject of this sketch was born at the paternal home, near the village of New Glasgow, Queen's County, in the year 1833. He was educated at the district school of his native settlement, and afterwards entered the Theological Seminary of the Presbyterian Church of Nova Scotia, which was then situated at Truro, in that Province. He completed his education at the Seminary, and soon afterwards embarked in journalism at Charlottetown, where he founded a newspaper called The Patriot. Under his editorship and business management this journal became, in the course of a few years, the leading organ of public opinion in Prince Edward Island. It advocated Liberal principles, and was conducted with much energy and ability. The editor had inherited Liberal ideas from his father, and spoke and wrote on behalf of them with great effect. After a time he became estranged from the leader of the Liberal Party, the chief cause of estrangement arising from the latter's having lent his countenance to some proceedings tending to exclude the Bible from the Common Schools. All minor causes of controversy, however, were cast into the shade by the great question of Confederation. After the close of the Quebec Conference in October, 1864, Mr. Laird took a firm stand against the terms of the scheme agreed upon by the delegates, in so far as they related to his native Province. He assigned as his principal reasons for adopting this course the fact that the terms contained no proposal for the settlement of the Land Question, which had long been a sore grievance with the tenantry of the island; and the further fact that no provision was made for the construction of public works, although the island could be called upon to contribute its quota of taxation towards the Intercolonial Railway, the canals, and the Pacific Railway. He took an active part in the promotion of sanitary and other local improvements, and was for some years a member of the Charlottetown City Council. His first entry into Parliamentary life took place in 1871. The then-existing Government, under the leadership of the Hon. James Colledge Pope (the present Minister of Marine and Fisheries in the Dominion Government), had carried a measure for the construction of the Prince Edward Island Railway, running nearly the entire length of the island. This project Mr. Laird had opposed, on the ground that it should have been first submitted to the people at the polls, and also because he regarded the undertaking as beyond the resources of the Province. The Government, however, had carried the Bill providing for the construction of the road through the House during the previous session, and the surveyors and Commissioners had been appointed. The Chairman of the Commissioners, the Hon. James Duncan, represented the constituency of Belfast in the Legislative Assembly, and was obliged to return to his constituents for reëlection after accepting office. Mr. Laird offered himself as a candidate in opposition to the Government nominee. His candidature was successful. The Commissioner was defeated, and Mr. Laird secured a seat in the Assembly. A good deal of dissatisfaction had been excited by the proceedings of the Local Government in connection with the construction of the road, the result being that Mr. Pope, when he next met the House, found he had lost the confidence of the majority, and being defeated, he dissolved the House and appealed to the country. The appeal was disastrous to his policy, a majority of the members returned being hostile to his Government. Among these was Mr. Laird, who was elected a second time for Belfast. A new Government was formed with Mr. R. P. Haythorne as Premier. During the following autumn Mr. Laird accepted office in this Government, and was sworn in as a Member of the Executive Council in November, 1872. Finding that if the railway were proceeded with on the credit of Prince Edward Island alone, the Provincial finances would be seriously embarrassed, the new Ministers responded favourably to an invitation from Ottawa to reconsider the question of Union. Mr. Laird formed one of the delegation which proceeded to Ottawa and negotiated terms of Union with the Dominion Government. After the return of the delegates the Local House was dissolved in order that the terms agreed upon might be submitted to the people. A good deal of finesse was practised by the Opposition, and various side issues were imported into the election contest. The result was the return of a majority hostile to Mr. Haythorne's Ministry, and Mr. Pope again succeeded to the reins of Government. Under his auspices the terms of Union were slightly modified, and Prince Edward Island entered Confederation.

Mr. Laird had meanwhile succeeded to the leadership of the Liberal Party. The House did not divide, however, on the question of Confederation, and both Parties concurred in supporting the measure. Mr. Laird resigned his seat in the Local Legislature, and offered himself as a candidate for the House of Commons for the electoral district of Queen's County. He was returned by a large majority, and on the opening of the second session of the second Parliament of the Dominion, in October, 1873, he took his seat in the House of Commons at Ottawa. The Pacific Scandal disclosures followed, and Sir John A. Macdonald's Government made way for that of the Hon. Alexander Mackenzie. In the new Administration Mr. Laird accepted the portfolio of Minister of the Interior, and was sworn into office on the 7th of November. Upon returning to his constituents in Queen's County he was returned by acclamation. He was again returned by acclamation at the general election of 1874. He retained his office of Minister of the Interior until the 7th of October, 1876, when he was appointed by the Governor-General to the Lieutenant-Governorship of the North-West Territories. This position he has ever since filled with the best results to the Dominion. During his tenure of office as Minister of the Interior he carried several important measures through Parliament, and — in the summer of 1874 — effected an important Treaty with the Indians of the North-West, whereby he secured to the Crown the possession of a tract of 75,500 square miles in extent, and thus guaranteed the peaceable possession of a large portion of the route of the Canada Pacific Railway and its accompanying telegraph lines.

In 1864 Mr. Laird married Mary Louisa, second daughter of the late Mr. Thomas Owen, who was for many years Postmaster-General of Prince Edward Island. An elder brother of the Lieutenant-Governor, the Hon. Alexander Laird, held office in the late Local Government of Prince Edward Island, and at present represents the Second District of Prince, in the Local Assembly.

THE HON. CHARLES E. B. DE BOUCHERVILLE

The Bouchers and De Bouchervilles for over two hundred years have played no unimportant part in the history of Canada. Lieutenant-General Pierre Boucher, Sieur de Grobois, Governor of Three Rivers in 1653, the founder of the Seigniory of Boucherville, and a man of great influence in his day, was one of the most noted members of the family. The late Hon. P. Boucher de Boucherville, for many years a Legislative Councillor of Lower Canada, was the father of the subject of this sketch, who was born at Boucherville, Province of Quebec, in 1820. He was educated at St. Sulpice College, Montreal. He subsequently went to Paris, pursued his studies in the medical profession there, and graduated with high honours. He has been married twice, first to Miss Susanne Morrogh, daughter of Mr. R. L. Morrogh, Advocate, of Montreal; and after her death, to Miss C. Luissier, of Varennes. In 1861 he was elected to the House of Assembly for the county of Chambly. He continued to represent this constituency until 1867, when he entered the Legislative Council, and became a member of Mr. Chauveau's Ministry, with the office of Speaker of the Council, which position he held until February, 1873. On the reconstruction of the Cabinet, September 22nd, 1874, he was entrusted with the formation of a Ministry. This duty he accomplished successfully, taking for himself the portfolio of Secretary and Registrar, and Minister of Public Instruction. On the 27th January, 1876, he changed his portfolio for that of Agriculture and Public Works. In February, 1879, he was called to the Senate, an honour which he accepted without resigning his seat in the Legislative Council.

The De Boucherville Ministry remained in power until the 4th of March, 1878, when it was summarily dismissed by the Hon. Luc Letellier de St. Just, Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, for reasons which appeared to him to be just. The facts with reference to this matter have been detailed in the sketch of the life of Mr. Letellier, contained in the first volume of this work. On the refusal of Mr. De Boucherville to name a successor, Mr. Letellier called in the Hon. Henri Gustave Joly of Lotbinière, and invited him to form a Ministry. In October, 1879, the ex-Premier and his friends succeeded in defeating the Liberal Government. A Conservative Ministry was formed, in whose councils, however, Mr. De Boucherville has taken no part, though his efforts to drive from power the Liberal Administration were conspicuously displayed in the Upper Chamber of the Province. He is a good speaker, precise, moderate and adroit. He is skilful in defence and equally skilful in attack. His administrative capacity is considerable, and the duties of the several offices which he has held at various intervals, have been ably and industriously performed.

THE REV. SAMUEL NELLES, D.D., LL.D.,

PRESIDENT OF VICTORIA UNIVERSITY, COBOURG

Dr. Nelles's life, like that of most men of purely scholastic pursuits, has been comparatively uneventful, and does not form a very fruitful field for biographical purposes. It has, however, been an eminently useful one, and has been attended with results most beneficial to the educational establishment with which his name has long been associated, and over which he has presided for a continuous period of thirty years. He is of German descent, on both the paternal and maternal sides. His paternal grandparents emigrated from Germany to the State of New York sometime during the last century, and settled in the historic valley of the Mohawk, where some of their descendants still reside. There Dr. Nelles's father, the late Mr. William Nelles, was born, and there he passed the early years of his life. He married Miss Mary Hardy, who was also of German stock on the mother's side, and was born in the State of Pennsylvania. By this lady he had a numerous family, the eldest son being the subject of this sketch. The parents emigrated from New York State to Upper Canada soon after the close of the War of 1812-15, and devoted themselves to farming pursuits. The Doctor was born at the family homestead, in the quiet little village of Mount Pleasant — known to the Post Office Department as Mohawk — in what is now the township of Brantford, in the county of Brant, about five miles south-west of the present city of Brantford, on the 17th of October, 1823. At the present day, the schools of Mount Pleasant will bear comparison with those of many places of much larger population; but fifty years ago, when young Samuel Nelles was in attendance there, they were like most other schools in the rural districts of Upper Canada — that is to say, they afforded no facilities for anything beyond a very rudimentary educational training. Such as they were, however, they furnished the only means of instruction at his command until he had entered upon his seventeenth year. Previous to that time he had lived at home, attending school and assisting his father in farm work. He had, however, displayed great fondness for study, and had, by dint of his natural ability and steady application, made greater progress than could have been made by any boy who was not possessed by an ardent thirst for knowledge. His parents accordingly resolved that he should have an opportunity of following out the natural bent of his mind. In 1839 he was placed at Lewiston Academy, in the State of New York, where he spent an industrious year, and where he had for a tutor the brilliant, witty and humorous John Godfrey Saxe. Mr. Saxe was not then known to the world as a poet, but he was an accomplished philologist, and was reading for the Bar. He had just graduated at Middlebury College, Vermont, and was teaching belles-lettres in the Lewiston Academy contemporaneously with the prosecution of his legal studies. In October, 1840, young Nelles transferred himself to an academy at Fredonia, in Chautauqua county, N.Y., where he remained ten months. In the following October (1841) he entered the Genesee Wesleyan Seminary, at Lima, N.Y., where he devoted his time chiefly to Classics, Mathematics, English Literature and Criticism. Having spent a profitable year at Lima, he entered Victoria College, Cobourg — which was then under the Presidency of the Rev. Egerton Ryerson — in the autumn of 1842. He was one of the first two matriculated students at the institution, which had just been incorporated as a University. After an Arts course of two years at Victoria College, and a year spent in study at home, he attended for some time at the University of Middletown, Connecticut, where he graduated as B.A. in 1846. He then spent a year as a teacher in Canada, and took charge of the Newburgh Academy, in the county of Lennox. In June, 1847, he entered the ministry of the Wesleyan Methodist Church, and was placed in charge of a congregation at Port Hope, where he remained for a year. He was then transferred to the old Adelaide Street Church, Toronto, where he laboured for two years. Thence he was transferred to London, but had only resided there about three months when, in the month of September, 1850, he was appointed President of Victoria College. This important and responsible position he has held ever since.

At the time of his taking office, the institution was by no means in a flourishing condition. It was carried on under circumstances of great difficulty and embarrassment, and had a competent administrator not been found to take charge of it, its future would have been very problematical. An improvement in its condition, however, was perceptible from the time when Mr. Nelles took the management. It has continued to prosper ever since, and has long ago taken rank among the most noteworthy educational institutions in the Dominion. At the time of Professor Nelles's appointment there was only a single Faculty — Arts — and the attendance was very small. The teachers were only five in number. The Professor's vigorous administration soon effected a marked change for the better. In 1854 the Faculty of Medicine was added. It at first embraced only one medical college, which was presided over for many years by the late Dr. Rolph. In process of time a second institution, L'École de Médecine et de Chirurgie, Montreal, became affiliated, and still continues to hold the same relationship to the University. A Law Faculty was added in 1862, and in 1872 a Faculty of Theology.

When Professor Nelles became President he at the same time became Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy, Logic, and the Evidences of Religion. These subjects he has continued to teach ever since, with the addition, since 1872, of Homiletics. He has devoted his life to the task of building up the institution, and has been ably seconded by the staff of teachers whom he has from time to time gathered about him. Until comparatively recent times there was no endowment fund, and the College had to depend for its support solely on tuition fees, on the annual contributions of the ministers and people of the Wesleyan Methodist Body, and on a Parliamentary grant which Victoria College, in common with other denominational schools, had been wont to receive. After Confederation, all grants to denominational colleges were discontinued, and Victoria College was left almost entirely unprovided for. At a meeting of the Methodist Conference it was proposed by President Nelles that an appeal should be made to the people for contributions to an endowment fund. The proposal was adopted by the Conference, and the Rev. Dr. Punshon, who was then resident in Canada, took an active personal interest in the movement. He contributed $3,000 out of his own pocket, and made a personal tour through part of Ontario, holding public meetings, whereby a sum of $50,000 was secured. Several other Methodist ministers followed his example, and the fund steadily increased. In 1873, however, the amount was still insufficient, and the Rev. Joshua H. Johnson was appointed by the Conference to make further collections. Mr. Johnson entered upon his task, and pursued it with great vigour. His efforts were supplemented by a munificent bequest of $30,000 from the late Mr. Edward Jackson, of Hamilton. The requisite amount was eventually obtained, and the future of Victoria College secured.

The erection of Faraday Hall, at a cost of $25,000, chiefly for Scientific purposes, marks a new epoch in the history of Victoria College. This Hall was formally opened on the 29th of May, 1878. Dr. Haanel, a distinguished German Professor, was placed in charge of the scientific department, and the results of his teaching are already apparent in an awakened interest in scientific matters displayed by the students of the College.

Upon the whole, Dr. Nelles may well be pardoned if he looks back upon his thirty years' Presidency of Victoria College with a considerable degree of complacency. To him, more than to anyone else, is due its present state of prosperity and enlarged efficiency. He has also taken a warm interest in educational matters unconnected with the College, and his influence is perceptibly felt in all the local schools. He was for two successive years elected President of the Teachers' Association of Ontario, and his views on all matters pertaining to public instruction are held in high respect.

Dr. Nelles was chosen a delegate to represent the Canadian Conference at the General Methodist Conference held at Philadelphia in 1864, at the New Brunswick Conference of 1866, and at the English Wesleyan Conference held at Newcastle in 1873. The degree of Doctor of Divinity was conferred upon him by the University of Queen's College, Kingston, in 1860. His Doctor's degree in Law was conferred upon him in 1873 by the University of Victoria College. He is the author of a popular text-book on Logic, and has frequently contributed to periodical literature. He enjoys high repute as a lecturer, more especially on educational subjects; and his sermons, some of which have been published, are said to be of an exceptionally high order.

On the 3rd of July, 1851, he married Miss Mary B. Wood, daughter of the Rev. Enoch Wood, of Toronto, by whom he has a family of five children.

THE HON. WILLIAM HUME BLAKE

The late Chancellor Blake, one of the most distinguished jurists that ever sat on the Canadian Bench, was a member of an Irish family, known as the Blakes of Cashelgrove, in the county of Galway. The family was well connected and stood high among the county magnates. Sometime about the middle of the last century, Dominick Edward Blake, its chief representative, married the Hon. Miss Netterville, daughter of Lord Netterville, of Drogheda. After her death, he married a second wife, who was a daughter of Sir Joseph Hoare, Baronet, of Annabella, in the county of Cork. By this lady he had four sons, one of whom, christened Dominick Edward, after his father, took orders as a clergyman of the Church of England, and became Rector and Rural Dean of Kiltegan and Loughbrickland. This gentleman married Miss Anne Margaret Hume, eldest daughter of Mr. William Hume, of Humewood, M.P. for the county of Wicklow. During the progress of the rebellion of 1798, Mr. Hume sent his children to Dublin for safety, and took personal command of a corps of yeomanry raised in his county. He fell a victim to his loyalty, and was shot near his own residence at Humewood by some rebels of whom he was in pursuit. Lord Charlemont, in a published letter, alluded to this deplorable event as "the murder of Hume, the friend and favourite of his country," and characterized it as an "example of atrocity which exceeded all that went before it."

William Hume Blake, the subject of this memoir, was the grandson and namesake of the unfortunate gentleman above referred to, and was one of the fruits of the marriage of his father, the Rev. D. E. Blake, to Miss Hume. He was born at the Rectory, at Kiltegan, County Wicklow, on the 10th of March, 1809. He was the second son of his parents, his elder brother, Dominick Edward, being named in honour of his father and paternal grandfather. The elder brother emulated his father's example, and became a clergyman of the Church of England. The younger, after receiving his education at Trinity College, Dublin, studied surgery under Surgeon-General Sir Philip Crampton. Surgery, however, was not much to his taste. The accompaniments of that profession — notably the coarse jokes and experiments which he was daily called upon to encounter in the dissecting-room — proved at last so repulsive to his nature that he abandoned surgery altogether, and entered upon a course of theological study with a view to entering the Church. His studies had not proceeded far, however, before he and his elder brother determined to emigrate to Canada. This determination was carried out in the summer of 1832. A short time before leaving his native land, the younger brother married his cousin, Miss Catharine Hume, the granddaughter — as he himself was the grandson — of the William Hume whose tragical death has already been recorded. This lady, who shared alike the struggles and triumphs of her distinguished husband till the close of his earthly career, still survives.

The Blake brothers were induced to emigrate to this country, partly because their prospects at home were not particularly bright, partly in consequence of the strong inducements held out by the then Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, Sir John Colborne. The representations of Major Jones, the elder brother's father-in-law, doubtless contributed something to the result. The Major was a retired officer who had served in this country during the war of 1812-'13-'14, and had taken part in the battles of Queenston Heights and Lundy's Lane. He was fond of fighting his battles over again by his own fireside and that of his son-in-law. He was never weary of enlarging on the beauty and primitive wildness of Canadian scenery, the pleasures and freedom from conventionality of a life spent in the backwoods, and the brilliant prospects awaiting young men of courage, energy, endurance, and ability, in the wilds of Upper Canada. The Blake brothers were Irishmen, and were gifted with the national vividness of imagination. They doubtless pictured to themselves the delights of "a lodge in some vast wilderness," where game of all sorts was abundant, and where game laws had no existence. They had of course no adequate conception of the struggles and trials incident to pioneer life. They were not alone in their notions about Canada. Many of their friends and acquaintances about this time became imbued with a desire to emigrate, and upon taking counsel together they found that there were enough of them to form a small colony by themselves. Having made all necessary arrangements they chartered a vessel — the Ann, of Halifax — and sailed for the St. Lawrence in the month of July, 1832. Among the friends and relations of the brothers Blake embarked on board were their mother, who had been left a widow; their sister and her husband, the late Archdeacon Brough; the late Mr. Justice Connor; the Rev. Benjamin Cronyn, late Bishop of Huron; and the Rev. Mr. Palmer, Archdeacon of Huron. After a six weeks' voyage they reached the mouth of the St. Lawrence, whence by slow degrees they made their way to Little York, as the Upper Canadian capital was then called. Here they remained until the following spring, when they divided their forces. Some of them remained in York; others — including Mr. Connor and Mr. Brough — proceeded northward to the township of Oro, on Lake Simcoe; and others settled on the Niagara peninsula. The elder Blake had meanwhile been appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor to a Rectory in the township of Adelaide, and there he accordingly pitched his tent. His brother, the subject of this sketch, purchased a farm in the same part of the country, at a place on Bear Creek — now called Sydenham River — near the present site of the village of Katesville, or Mount Hope, in the county of Middlesex. He then had an opportunity of realizing the full delights of a life in the Canadian backwoods. "With whatever romantic ideas of the delights of such a life Mr. Hume Blake had determined on making Canada his home," says a contemporary Canadian author, "they were soon dispelled by the rough experiences of the reality. The settler in the remotest section of Ontario to-day has no conception of the struggles and hardships that fell to the lot of men who, accustomed to all the refinements of life, found themselves cut off from all traces of civilization in a land, since settled and cultivated, but then so wild that between what are now populous cities there existed only an Indian trail through the forest. Mr. Blake was not a man to be easily discouraged, but soon found that his talents were being wasted in the wilderness. In after years he was fond of telling of the rude experiences of life in the bush, and among other incidents how that he had, on one occasion, walked to the blacksmith's shop before mentioned to obtain a supply of harrow-pins, and, finding them too heavy to carry, had fastened them to a chain, which he put round his neck, and so dragged them home through the woods."

It was during the residence of the family at Bear Creek that the eldest son, Edward, was born,⁵ but he was not destined to receive his educational training amid such surroundings. While he was still an infant the family removed to Toronto. A life in the backwoods had been tried, and was found to be unsuited to the genius and ambition of a man like William Hume Blake. He had tried surgery, divinity, and agriculture, and had not taken kindly to any of those pursuits. He now resolved to attempt the law, and commenced his legal studies in the office of the late Mr. Washburn, a well-known lawyer in those days. During the troubles of 1837 he was, we believe, for a short time paymaster of a battalion, but fortunately there was no occasion for his active services. In 1838 he was called to the Bar of Upper Canada, and was not long in making his way to a foremost position. His rivals at the Bar were among the foremost counsel who have ever practised in this Province, and included Mr. (afterwards Chief Justice) Draper, Mr. (afterwards Judge) Sullivan, Mr. Henry John Boulton, Mr. (now Chief Justice) Hagarty, Robert Baldwin, Henry Eccles, and John Hillyard Cameron. Mr. Blake soon proved his ability to hold his own against all comers. He enjoyed some personal advantages which stood him in good stead, both while he was fighting his way and afterwards. His tall, handsome person, and fine open face, his felicitous language, and bold manly utterance gained him at once the full attention of both Court and Jury; and his vigorous grasp of the whole case under discussion, his acute, logical dissection of the evidence, and the thorough earnestness with which he always threw himself into his client's case, swept everything before them. In the days when such men as Draper, Sullivan, Baldwin and Eccles were at the Bar, it was something to stand among the foremost. Mr. Blake became associated in business with Mr. Joseph C. Morrison — now one of the Judges of the Court of Queen's Bench — and some years later, his relative, the late Dr. Connor, who in 1863 became one of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas, entered the firm. Business poured in, and the number of Mr. Blake's briefs increased in almost geometrical proportion. His arguments were of due weight with the judges of those times, but with juries his force was irresistible. Many incidents have been related of his forensic triumphs. Among other cases recorded by the writer already quoted from, that of Kerby vs. Lewis occupies a conspicuous place. The question at issue was Mr. Kerby's right to monopolize a ferry communication between Fort Erie and some point on the American shore. This right the defendant contested, and employed Mr. Blake to conduct his case. The judges appear to have leaned strongly to the side of the plaintiff, and granted a succession of new trials, as, on each occasion, Mr. Blake's telling appeals to their sympathy with the defendant, as the champion of free intercourse between the two countries, extorted from the juries a verdict in favour of his client. It is said that the Court finally refused to grant any further new trials in sheer hopelessness of any jury being found to reverse the original finding.

Another proof of his energy and ingenuity was given in the Webb arson case, which made a considerable noise at the time. Webb was the owner of a shoe store in Toronto. Having on more than one occasion obtained compensation from fire insurance companies for losses he had sustained, suspicion was excited against him, and, on another fire occurring, the companies decided on prosecuting. Webb retained Mr. Blake. The theory of the defence was that a stove-pipe from the adjoining store, which connected with Webb's premises, had become heated, and had ignited some "rubbers" hanging in the vicinity. The prosecution denied that "rubbers" were combustible in any such sense as the defence represented. To put his theory beyond a doubt, Mr. Blake, on the evening before the trial, had set his two boys, Edward and Samuel, to look up every piece of information they could obtain from encyclopaedias or other sources as to the properties of rubber. Then an old pair of "rubbers" was procured, experiments were engaged in, and both father and sons were occupied during the greater part of the night in their investigations, to the no small discomfort of the other members of the household. When the trial came on next day, after the case for the prosecution had been presented, Mr. Blake began his defence. He dissected the prosecutor's evidence with an amazing fund of irony and sarcasm, and requested the jury to place as little reliance on the general testimony for the prosecution as they would soon do on the theory of "rubbers" being non-combustible. Then a candle and a pair of old "rubbers" were produced; a few strips cut from the latter were held in the flame, and the interested crowd of spectators saw them burn. The jury accepted this as sufficient, at all events, to cast doubts on the whole case against the prisoner, and Webb was acquitted.

The "Markham gang," as they were called, are still well remembered by the older inhabitants of Toronto and the adjoining country. In several of the prosecutions arising out of the outrages of the gang, Mr. Blake was defending counsel, and invested the defence with additional interest, in the eyes of the legal profession, by raising the question of the admissibility of the evidence of an accomplice. Another case which showed the earnestness and conscientiousness of Mr. Blake, who prosecuted, was the trial of two persons — a man named McDermott and a girl named Grace Marks — charged with the murder of Mr. Kinnear and his housekeeper, near Richmond Hill, in the year 1843.⁶ Not content with secondhand information, the hard-working lawyer devoted the only holiday which intervened between the committal of the prisoners and the trial to a careful and minute examination of the house and premises where the murder had occurred, so that in going into court he had the most perfect familiarity with every detail connected with the crime. The prisoners were convicted; the man suffered the extreme penalty of the law, and the woman, who was reprieved, was only liberated from the Penitentiary after an incarceration of twenty years. No man could more readily seize hold of the salient points of a case presented to him; few could make so much out of a small and apparently insignificant point; but no one ever made the business before him the subject of more patient study or more exhaustive attention. Honourable and high-minded himself, he sought to inspire those about him with the same feelings. He endeavoured at all times to encourage a gentlemanly bearing in the young men who studied under him, and would tolerate nothing inconsistent with perfect fairness and honesty in transacting the business of the office.

Mr. Blake and his partners were all active members of the Liberal Party. In the early contests for Municipal Institutions, National Education, Law Reform and all progressive measures, they took an earnest part — and in the struggle with Lord Metcalfe and his Tory abettors for the establishment of British Parliamentary Government in Canada, they did excellent service to the popular cause. Mr. Blake, at the general election of 1844, was the Reform candidate for the second Riding of York — now the county of Peel — but was defeated by a narrow majority on the second day of polling by his Tory opponent, Mr. George Duggan. A little later, he contested unsuccessfully the county of Simcoe, in opposition to the Hon. W. B. Robinson. At the general election of 1847, while absent in England, he was returned by a large majority for the East Riding of York — now the county of Ontario. The result of that election was the entire overthrow of the Conservative Government, and the accession of the Liberal Party to power, under Messrs. Baldwin and Lafontaine, on the 10th of March, 1848. Mr. Blake became Solicitor-General under the new arrangement, and was duly reëlected for East York. Then followed the struggle over the famous Rebellion Losses Bill. In that contest Mr. Blake took an active part in support of Lord Elgin, who was so outrageously treated by the Opposition leaders in Parliament, and by the mob of Montreal that followed in their wake. For his powerful advocacy of the Governor-General, and his scathing diatribes against the tactics of the Opposition, he was fiercely denounced by the Conservative leaders. So far was this denunciation carried that a hostile meeting between Mr. Blake and Mr. Macdonald — the present Sir John A. Macdonald — was only prevented by the interference of the Speaker of the House. The Opposition press, without the slightest justification, published articles in which the writers professed to believe that Mr. Blake was wanting in courage, and afraid to meet his antagonist in the field. The Globe, which was the organ of the Government in those days, replied in a spirit which did it honour. In an article written by the late Mr. Brown himself, and published in the Globe on the 28th of March, 1849, we find these words: "The repeated insinuations against the courage of Mr. Blake, to use the ordinary phrase, are as untrue as they are base and ungenerous. We are quite aware of all the circumstances of what was so near leading to one of those transactions called affairs of honour. We know, and we state it with regret, that there was, on Mr. Blake's part, no wish to shrink from the consequences of the intended affair, but a great anxiety to meet it. We would have thought it far more creditable to him, and far more becoming the station he holds in the councils of the Province, if he had exhibited that higher courage which would shrink from being concerned in an affair which, however it may be glossed over by the sophistry and the practice of the world, is a crime of the deepest dye against the law of God and the well-being of society."

The Court of Chancery for Upper Canada had been for years a mark for scorn and derision on account of the personal deficiencies of Mr. Vice-Chancellor Jameson, and the lack of organization in the whole Chancery system. The Baldwin-Lafontaine Government undertook the reform of the Court, increased the number of Judges to three, and gave it the improved system of procedure which has earned for the Court its present efficiency and popularity. When the measure became law, the question arose as to who should be appointed to the seats on the Bench that had been created. There was but one answer in the profession. Mr. Blake was universally pointed out as the man best fitted for the post of Chancellor. He accepted the Chancellorship of Upper Canada on the 30th of September, 1849, which he continued to fill until the 18th of March, 1862, when failing health compelled him to retire. There were not wanting political opponents who declared that Mr. Blake had created the office that he might fill it; but all who knew the man and the position in which he stood were aware that it was with extreme reluctance he accepted the place. As his great judicial talents came to be recognized the voice of the slanderer ceased, and the services which he rendered on the Bench will, we doubt not, be now heartily acknowledged by all parties. Mr. Jameson for a short time continued to sit on the Bench as Vice-Chancellor, side by side with Mr. Blake. In the month of December, 1850, he was permitted to retire on a pension of £750 a year.

Mr. Blake, while at the Bar, held for a number of years the position of Professor of Law in the University of Toronto, but resigned it when he became Solicitor-General. He took a deep interest in all the affairs of the University, of which he was for a long time the able and popular Chancellor.

Afflicted with gout in its most distressing form, Mr. Blake, after his retirement from the Bench, sought relief from his sufferings in milder climes. He returned to Canada in 1869, but it was evident that his end was not far distant. He died in Toronto, on the 17th of November, 1870. The late Chancellor Vankoughnet paid an eloquent tribute to his memory. "With an intellect fitting him to grasp more readily than most men the whole of a case," said Mr. Vankoughnet, "he was yet most patient and painstaking in the investigation of every case heard before him. He never spared himself; but was always most careful that no suitor should suffer wrong through any lack of diligence on his part. He had, moreover — what every Equity judge should have — a high appreciation of the duties and functions of the Court — of the mission, if I may so term it, of a Court of Equity in this country: not to adjudicate drily upon the case before the Court, but so to expound the principles of Equity Law as to teach men to deal justly and equitably between themselves. I have reason to believe that such expositions of the principles upon which this Court acts have had a salutary influence upon the country; and Mr. Blake, in the able and lucid judgments delivered by him, contributed largely to this result. He always bore in mind that to which the present Lord Chancellor of England gave expression in one of his judgments — 'The standard by which parties are tried here, either as trustees or corporations, or in various other relations which may be suggested, is a standard, I am thankful to say, higher than the standard of the world.'"

THE REV. ALEXANDER TOPP, D.D

The life of the late Dr. Topp, like the lives of most members of his sacred calling, was comparatively uneventful. He was born at Sheriffmill, a farm-house near the historic old town of Elgin, in Morayshire, Scotland, in the year 1815. He was educated at the Elgin Academy, the present representative of the old Grammar School of the burgh, and an establishment of much local repute. Thence, in his fifteenth year, he passed to King's College, Aberdeen — an institution affiliated with the University — where he passed through a very creditable course, winning one of the highest scholarships, and retaining it for four years. In 1836, immediately upon attaining his majority, he received a license to preach, and was appointed assistant to the minister of one of the churches in Elgin. This minister soon afterwards died, leaving the pastorate vacant. The abilities and zeal of his young assistant had made themselves recognized, and it was thought desirable that the latter should succeed to the vacant charge. The appointment was hedged in with certain restrictions, and was at the disposal of Government. A petition from the congregation and from the Town Council was successful, and Mr. Topp was inducted into the charge. Upon the disruption in 1843 he seceded from the Establishment, and carried over with him nearly the entire congregation, which erected a new church and manse for him. He continued in this charge until 1852, when he removed to Edinburgh, having accepted a pressing call from the Roxburgh Church there. Here he continued to minister for about six years, during which period his congregation increased to such an extent as to render the accommodation insufficient. A project for erecting a new and larger church was set on foot, but before it had been fully matured Mr. Topp had accepted a call from the congregation of Knox Church, Toronto. This was in 1858. Two years before that date he had received a pressing call from the same quarter, which he had then thought proper to decline. At the time of entering upon his charge in Toronto the membership of Knox Church was only about three hundred. Under his ministry there was a steadily perceptible increase, and at the time of his death the membership was in the neighbourhood of seven hundred. His abilities commanded recognition beyond the limits of his own congregation, and he steadily won his way to position and influence in the community. In 1868 he was elected Moderator of the General Assembly of the Canada Presbyterian Church, and thus afforded the first instance of a unanimous nomination by the various Presbyteries to that office. He took a prominent part in the movement to bring about the Union between the Canada Presbyterian Church and the Church of Scotland, and the successful realization of that project was in no small degree due to his exertions. In 1876 he was elected Moderator to the General Assembly of the United Church. His doctor's degree was conferred upon him in 1870 by the University of Aberdeen, where he had been so successful a student forty years previously.

For several years prior to his death Dr. Topp's constitution had given unmistakable symptoms of having become seriously impaired. In the autumn of 1877 his physicians acquainted him with the fact that he was suffering from a mortal disease — organic disease of the heart — but it was not supposed that the malady had made such progress as to endanger his life for some years to come. In the early summer of 1879 he paid a visit to his native land, and of course spent some time in Elgin, renewing the pleasant associations of his youth. He received many pressing overtures to preach, but the state of his health formed a sufficient excuse for his declining. One Sunday, however, contrary to the advice of a local medical practitioner, he consented to occupy the pulpit, and preached a long and vigorous sermon to his old congregation. His audience was very large, and his nervous system was naturally wrought up to a high pitch. It is believed that his efforts on that occasion materially shortened his life. Immediately after his return to his home in Toronto he sent in his resignation as pastor of Knox Church, but it had not been accepted ere the shades of death closed around him.

The end came more suddenly than had been anticipated. He passed away on the 6th of October, 1879, while reclining on a sofa in the house of one of his parishioners. His death was very calm, and apparently free from all pain. He left behind him a name which will long be borne in affectionate remembrance by the members of the Presbyterian Church in Canada. He was kind and gentle in his demeanour, and was loved the most by them who knew him best. At the time of his death he had been pastor of Knox Church for more than twenty-one years, during the greater part of which he had laboured assiduously in all the various fields connected with his sacred calling. He was open-handed in his charities, and was an invaluable consoler in the sick-room. He literally died in harness, for death came upon him while he was paying a pastoral visit to a member of his congregation.

The Canada Presbyterian, which may be presumed to reflect the opinions of Canadian Presbyterians generally, concluded an obituary notice written immediately after his death in the following words: "The name of Dr. Topp will never be forgotten in this country. While we regret that he has so suddenly been called away, we rejoice that in his case there are left to us so many happy remembrances of a useful and honourable career, and that he has bequeathed to the youthful ministry of the Church the example of a brave and faithful servant of Christ."

THE HON. HENRI GUSTAVE JOLY

Since Confederation the Hon. Mr. Joly has occupied a prominent position in the politics of the Province of Quebec. His high morality, integrity of character, and fine social qualities, have created for him a reputation which it is the lot of few public men to enjoy. He is conspicuous in the history of Quebec as the instrument through whose exertions the Liberal Party were restored to power for the first time since the Union. He is also noteworthy as being the Minister on whom devolved the office of selecting a Government to succeed the De Boucherville Administration, upon its dismissal by Mr. Letellier in the month of March, 1878.

He was born in France on the 5th of December, 1829, and is the son of the late Gaspard Pierre Gustave Joly, Seigneur of Lotbinière, and Julie Christine, daughter of the late Hon. M. E. G. A. Chartier de Lotbinière, who was Speaker of the Quebec Assembly from 1794 until May, 1797, and was afterwards a prominent member of the Legislative Council. Mr. Joly received a liberal education at Paris, and while yet very young removed with his parents to Canada, settling in Lotbinière. Having chosen the law for a profession, he devoted five years to legal studies, and in the month of March, 1855, he was called to the Bar of Lower Canada. He first entered political life in 1861, when he was returned to the Canadian House of Assembly for the county of Lotbinière. This seat he continued to hold until the Union of the Provinces, when at the general elections which followed the formation of the Dominion he was elected by acclamation to both the Commons of Canada and the Assembly of Quebec. He sat in both Houses until 1874, when, on dual representation being abolished, he resigned his seat in the Commons, and directed all his energies to the furtherance of Liberal principles in the Quebec House of Assembly. The same year he was offered a seat in the Senate, but declined to accept that dignity, preferring to fight the battles of Liberalism in the more popular Assembly, in which he had already achieved a high reputation as a statesman and debater, as well as much personal popularity. In January, 1877, he again declined elevation to the Upper House, and refused the portfolio of Dominion Minister of Agriculture which had been tendered him by the Mackenzie Administration. The constituency of Lotbinière has never proved fickle to her trust, but has regularly returned Mr. Joly as her representative to the popular branch of the Legislature. From the Union, he has been the acknowledged head of the Liberal Party in Lower Canada, and the chosen leader of the Opposition in the House of Assembly. In March, 1878, the Hon. Luc Letellier de St. Just, Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec, dismissed his Ministry under circumstances which have already been detailed at length in these pages; and on the then Premier — Mr. De Boucherville — refusing to nominate a successor, Mr. Joly was sent for and invited to form a Cabinet. He promptly accepted the responsibility, selected his colleagues, and, on being defeated in the Chamber, appealed to the people for a ratification of the principles of his Party. The contest was fought with great vigour and pertinacity on both sides, and the result was a victory, though a slight one, for the Liberal Party. Mr. Joly was opposed in Lotbinière by Mr. Guillaume E. Amyot, an advocate and journalist of Quebec. He was elected by a majority of more than three hundred votes. He became Premier and Minister of Public Works — an office which requires the utmost tact and delicacy in its administration. He set on foot a policy of retrenchment and purity, and contemplated several much-needed reforms which he did not retain office long enough to see brought into operation. Mr. Joly's Administration was based on principles of the closest economy, and every effort was made to check all unnecessary outlay of the public expenditure. The salaries of the Ministers were reduced, an effort was made to abolish the Legislative Council, and the railway policy of the country was developed with caution. Wherever the pruning knife could be advantageously employed, the Premier applied it, and if he was not always successful, the fault was certainly not his own. His personal popularity was sufficiently attested by the fact that although he is a Protestant, with fixed opinions on theological matters, he was Premier of a Province where a large majority of the population are adherents of the Roman Catholic faith. He carried on the affairs of the country with combined spirit and moderation until October, 1879, when, on being defeated in the House, he and his Government resigned their seats in the Executive, and Mr. Chapleau was sent for. Mr. Chapleau succeeded in forming an Administration, which at the time of the present writing still holds the reins of power in the Province of Quebec.

Mr. Joly is a good departmental officer, a graceful speaker, a man of much force of character, and one who has always the courage of his convictions. Whether in power or in Opposition his language and demeanour are marked by conciliation and courtesy. He is a man of many friends, and has few personal enemies, even among those to whom he has been a life-long political opponent. He has devoted a good deal of attention to the study of forestry, and is the author of several important and valuable treatises on that subject. Among other offices which he holds may be mentioned the Presidency of the Society for the rewooding of the Province of Quebec, the first Presidency of the Reform Association, of the Parti Nationale of Quebec, of the Lotbinière Agricultural Society No. 2, and of the Society for the Promotion of Canadian Industry. He is also Vice-President of the Humane Society of British North America, and one of the Council of the Geographical Society of Quebec, of which latter association he was once Vice-President.

Some years ago Mr. Joly married Miss Gowan, a daughter of Mr. Hammond Gowan, of Quebec.

THE HON. MACKENZIE BOWELL,

MINISTER OF CUSTOMS

Mr. Bowell is English by birth, but has resided in this country ever since his tenth year. He was born at Rickinghall Superior, a pleasant little village situated in the northern part of the county of Suffolk, on the 27th of December, 1823. His father, the late Mr. John Bowell, emigrated from Suffolk to Canada in the spring of 1833, and settled in what is now the city of Belleville. His mother's maiden name was Elizabeth Marshall. He has been compelled to make his own way in the world, and has risen from obscure beginnings to the elevated position which he now occupies by dint rather of natural ability than of any adventitious aids. In his boyhood he enjoyed few educational advantages. He had been only a few months in Canada when he entered a printing office in Belleville, where he remained until he had completed his apprenticeship. He then became foreman of the establishment. He began to take an interest in politics at the very outset of his career, and attached himself to the Conservative side. He was very industrious, and during the term of his indentures did much to repair his defective education. He availed himself of every opportunity which came in his way for increasing his stock of knowledge, and erelong attained a position and influence far more than commensurate with his years. In 1853 he became sole proprietor of the Belleville Intelligencer, with which he continued to be identified for a period of twenty-two years. Under his management the Intelligencer became one of the leading exponents of public opinion in the county of Hastings, and his own local influence was thereby greatly promoted. Other causes contributed to enhance his position and influence. When only eighteen years old he allied himself with the Orange Body, in which he rose to the highest dignities in the gift of that Order. For eight years he was Grand Master of the Provincial Grand Lodge of Ontario East. At the annual meeting of the Grand Lodge of the Loyal Orange Institution of British North America, held at Kingston in 1870, a change was made in the Grand Mastership, which had been held for many years by the Hon. John Hillyard Cameron. Mr. Bowell was unanimously elected to the office, and continued to occupy it until 1878, when he declined reëlection. For thirteen years he was Chairman of the Common School Board of Belleville, and was for some time Chairman of the Grammar School, always taking a lively interest in the promotion of education among the masses. For many years he was an active promoter of the Volunteer Militia force, as well as an active member. At the time of the St. Alban's raid he went with his company to Amherstburgh, where, at considerable sacrifice to his business, he remained four months. He was also at Prescott during the Fenian raid in 1866. At present he holds the rank of a Lieutenant-Colonel of Volunteer Rifles. He was one of the founders of the Press Association, and during one year occupied the position of President. He was also Vice-President of the Dominion Editors' and Reporters' Association.

Mr. Bowell was an active politician long before he emerged from his apprenticeship, but did not enter Parliament until after Confederation. In 1863 he contested the North Riding of Hastings, but was unsuccessful, and did not repeat the experiment until 1867, when he was returned to the House of Commons for that Riding, and he has ever since represented it. He signalized his entrance into Parliament by moving a series of resolutions against Sir George Cartier's Militia Bill, and though he failed to carry them all, he succeeded in defeating the Minister of Militia on some important points by which a considerable reduction was made in the expenditure. Several years later he took a prominent part in the expulsion of Louis Riel from the House of Commons. It was by Mr. Bowell that the investigation was instituted into Riel's complicity in the murder of Thomas Scott before the walls of Fort Garry. In 1876 he made a powerful attack upon Mr. Mackenzie's Government for having awarded a contract to Mr. T. W. Anglin, the Speaker of the House. The result of Mr. Bowell's attack was the unseating of several Members of Parliament, including Mr. Anglin; and a stringent Act respecting the Independence of Parliament was shortly afterwards passed.

At the last general election for the House of Commons, held on the 17th of September, 1878, Mr. Bowell was opposed in North Hastings by Mr. E. D. O'Flynn, of Madoc, whom he defeated by a majority of 241 — the vote standing 1,249 for Bowell and 1,008 for O'Flynn. After the resignation of Mr. Mackenzie's Government in the following month, Mr. Bowell accepted the portfolio of Minister of Customs in the Ministry of Sir John A. Macdonald. This position he still retains. Upon returning to his constituents after accepting office he was returned by acclamation. He is not a frequent speaker, but he has always taken an active and intelligent part in the business of the House, and is highly esteemed by his colleagues.

Mr. Bowell married, in December, 1847, Miss Harriett Louisa Moore, of Belleville. He is a Director in numerous railway and general commercial enterprises. In 1875 he disposed of the Intelligencer, with which he had been identified for so many years, but he still takes a warm interest in its prosperity, and is indebted to it for a very firm and consistent support.

THE REV. JAMES RICHARDSON, D.D.,

LATE BISHOP OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH IN CANADA

The late Bishop Richardson was born in the same year which witnessed the death of the great founder of Methodism, John Wesley; the same year also which witnessed the passing of the Constitutional Act whereby Upper Canada was ushered into existence as a separate Province. He came of English stock on both sides. His father, James Richardson, after whom he was called, was a brave seaman; one of that old-world band of gallant tars who fought under Lord Rodney against the French, when

"Rochambeau their armies commanded,

Their ships they were led by De Grasse."

He was present at the famous sea-fight off Dominica, in the West Indies, on the 12th of April, 1782, when the naval forces of France and Spain were almost entirely destroyed. He was soon afterwards taken prisoner, and sent to France, where he was detained until the cessation of hostilities. Having been set at liberty in 1785, he repaired to Quebec, and was subsequently appointed to an office in connection with the Canadian Marine. His duties lay chiefly on the upper lakes and rivers, and he took up his abode at Kingston, on Lake Ontario. He married a lady whose maiden name was Sarah Asmore, but who, at the time of her marriage with him had been for some years a widow. The subject of this sketch was one of the fruits of that union. He was born at Kingston, on the 29th of January, 1791.

His parents were members of the Church of England, and he was brought up in the faith as taught and professed by that Body. He attended various schools in Kingston until he was about thirteen years of age, when he began his career as a sailor on board a vessel commanded by his father. During his five years' apprenticeship he acquired a thorough familiarity with the topography and navigation of the lakes and rivers of Upper Canada. In 1809, when he was eighteen years old, he entered the Provincial Marine. Upon the breaking out of the war of 1812 he received a Lieutenant's commission, and was forthwith employed in active service. He became sailing master of the Moira, under Captain Sampson, and afterwards of the Montreal, under Captain Popham. Upon the arrival of Sir James Yeo in Upper Canada, in May, 1813, the naval armament on the lakes entered upon a new phase of existence. The local marine ceased to exist as such, and became a part of the Royal Navy. The Provincial commissions previously granted were no longer of any effect, and that of Lieutenant Richardson shared the same fate as the rest. The Provincial officers resented this mode of dealing with their commissions, and all but two of them retired from the marine and took service in the militia, where, in the language of Colonel Coffin, they were permitted to risk their lives without offence to their feelings. The two exceptions were Lieutenant George Smith and the subject of this sketch. The latter shared the sentiments of his brother officers, but he recognized the importance to the country of working harmoniously with his superiors at such a juncture, and cast every personal consideration aside. He informed the Commodore that he was willing to give his country the benefit of his local knowledge and services, but declined to take any rank below that which had previously been conferred upon him. The Commodore availed himself of the young man's services as a master and pilot, and in those capacities he did good service until the close of the war. He shared the gun-room with the regular commissioned officers, with whom he was very popular. He was with the fleet during the unsuccessful attempt on Sackett's Harbour, towards the close of May, 1813. A year later, at the taking of Oswego, he was pilot of the Montreal, under Captain Popham, already mentioned; and he took his vessel so close in to the fort that the Commodore feared lest he should run aground. Soon after bringing the Montreal to anchor a shot from the fort carried off his left arm just below the shoulder. He sank down upon the deck of the vessel, and was carried below. The remnant of his shattered arm was secured so as to prevent him from bleeding to death, "and there," says his biographer,⁷ "he lay suffering while the battle raged, his ears filled with its horrid din, and his mind oppressed with anxiety as to its result, till the cheers of the victors informed him that his gallant comrades had triumphed. He had been wounded in the morning, and it was nearly evening before the surgeon could attend to him, when it was found necessary to remove the shattered stump from the socket at the shoulder joint. During the severe operation the young lieutenant evinced the utmost fortitude. In the evening he was exceedingly weak from loss of blood, the pain of his wound, and the severity of the operation. Next day the fever was high, and for some days his life apparently hung in the balance; but at length he commenced to rally, and by the blessing of God upon the skilful attention and great care that he received, he was finally fully restored." During the following October he joined the St. Lawrence— said to have been the largest sailing vessel that ever navigated the waters of Lake Ontario — and in this service he remained until the close of the war.

Soon after the proclamation of peace he retired from the naval service, and settled at Presque Isle Harbour, near the present site of the village of Brighton, in the county of Northumberland. He was appointed Collector of Customs of the port, and soon afterwards became a Justice of the Peace. The Loyal and Patriotic Society requested his acceptance of £100, and a yearly pension of a like amount was awarded to him by Government in recognition of his services during the late war. This well-earned pension he continued to receive during the remainder of his life, embracing a period of more than fifty years.

In the year 1813, while the war was still in progress, he had married; the lady of his choice being Miss Rebecca Dennis, daughter of Mr. John Dennis, who was for many years a master-builder in the royal dock-yard at Kingston. This lady shared his joys and sorrows for forty-five years. During the last decade of her life she suffered great bodily affliction, which she endured with Christian resignation and serenity. She died at her home, Clover Hill, Toronto, on the 29th of March, 1858.

During the early months of their residence at Presque Isle Harbour, both Mr. Richardson and his wife became impressed by serious thoughts on the subject of religion. In August, 1818, they united with the Methodist Episcopal Church. That Church was then in its infancy in this country, and was struggling hard to obtain a permanent foothold. With its subsequent history Mr. Richardson was closely identified. He was very much in earnest, and felt it to be his duty to do his utmost for the salvation of souls. His piety was not spasmodic or fitful, but steady and enduring. His education at that time, though it was necessarily imperfect, and far from being up to the standard of the present day, was better than was that of most of his fellow-labourers. He at once became a man of mark in the denomination, and was appointed to the offices of steward and local preacher on the Smith's Creek circuit. His labours were crowned with much success. His pulpit oratory is described as being "full of vitality — adapted to bring souls to Christ, and build up in holiness."⁸ In 1824 he was called to active work, and placed on the Yonge Street circuit, which included the town of York, and extended through eight of the neighbouring townships. This rendered necessary his removal from Presque Isle, and his resignation of his office as Collector of Customs. His field of labour extended from York northwardly to Lake Simcoe — a distance of forty-five miles — with lateral excursions to right and left for indeterminate distances. The state of the roads was such that wheeled vehicles were frequently unavailable, and the greater part of the travelling had to be done on horseback, the preacher carrying his books, clothing, writing materials, and other accessories in his saddle-bags. His life was necessarily a toilsome one, and his financial remuneration was little more than nominal. During his second year on circuit he had for a colleague the Rev. Egerton Ryerson, with whom he worked in the utmost harmony, and with very gratifying pastoral results. Dr. Richardson has left on record his appreciation of his colleague's services at this time. He says: "A more agreeable and useful colleague I could not have desired. We laboured together with one heart and mind, and God was graciously pleased to crown our united efforts with success — we doubled the members in society, both in town and country, and all was harmony and love. Political questions were not rife — indeed were scarcely known among us. The church was an asylum for any who feared God and wrought righteousness, irrespective of any party whatever. We so planned our work as to be able to devote one week out of four exclusively to pastoral labour in the town, and to preach there twice every Sabbath, besides meeting all the former appointments in the townships east and west bordering on Yonge Street for forty-five or fifty miles northward to Roach's Point, Lake Simcoe. This prosperous and agreeable state of things served to reconcile both my dear wife and myself to the itinerant life, with all the attendant privations and hardships incident to those times."

In 1826 Mr. Richardson was sent to labour at Fort George and Queenston. Next year he was admitted into full connection, and ordained a deacon, along with the late Dr. Anson Green and Egerton Ryerson. Mr. Richardson was transferred to the River Credit, where he laboured for a year as a missionary among the Indians. An important crisis in the history of the Methodist Church in Canada was then at hand. The memorable Conference of 1828 was held at Ernesttown, in the Bay of Quinté district. It was presided over by Bishop Hedding, and Mr. Richardson was chosen secretary. It was at this Conference that the decisive step of separation from the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States was taken. Thenceforward the Church in Canada became an independent Body, with a Bishop and Conference of its own. "This step," says Mr. Richardson, "was fraught with results, for good or ill, according as it is viewed by different parties, from their several standpoints. It was deemed necessary then, by the majority, because of the political relations of the two countries, and the difficulty attendant on obtaining our legal right to hold church property, and solemnize matrimony. Others, viewing the church as catholic, or universal in her design and character, judged it wrong to limit her jurisdiction by national or municipal boundaries." Mr. Richardson subsequently regretted that the scheme of separation had been carried out. Meanwhile he was appointed, along with the Rev. Joseph Gatchell, to the Niagara Circuit, a very extensive field of labour, and took up his abode at what was then the insignificant village of St. Catharines. There he remained two years, and in 1830 was ordained as an elder by Bishop Hedding, of the United States — no Bishop having as yet been selected for the Canadian Church, which, since its separation, had been presided over by a General Superintendent in the person of the Rev. William Case. It is unnecessary that we should follow him in his labours from circuit to circuit. His life was spent in the service of his Church, and wherever he went he left behind him the impress of a sincere and zealous man. At the Conference held at York in 1831 he was appointed presiding elder of the Niagara District. In September, 1832, he became editor of the Christian Guardian, and while holding that position he opposed the reception of Government support to the churches with great vigour and determination. He continued to direct the policy of the Guardian until the Conference of 1833. During this Conference, which marks another important epoch in the history of Canadian Methodism, the Articles of Union between the English and Canadian Connexions were adopted. To this union Mr. Richardson was a consenting party, believing that the step would be productive of good, though he subsequently had reason to modify his views on the subject. In 1836 he severed his connection with the Wesleyans, owing to the reception by that Body of State grants. He soon afterwards removed to Auburn, in the State of New York, where he won the respect of his congregation; but he was not adapted to such a circle as that in which he found himself, and did not feel himself at home there. "His quiet, unpretentious manners," says Mr. Carroll, "were not of the kind to carry much sway with our impressible American cousins; and the constant exhibition of an empty sleeve, ever reminding them of an arm lost in resisting their immaculate Republic, was likely to be an eye-sore to a people so hostile to Britain as the citizens of the United States." He was moreover an uncompromising abolitionist, and was fearless in his denunciations of the national curse of slavery. The prevailing sentiment in the State of New York in those days was not such as to conduce to the popularity of any man who took the side of humanity. He remained at Auburn only a year, when he returned to his native land, and took up his residence at Toronto. Immediately upon his arrival he encountered his old friend and fellow-labourer the Rev. Philander Smith. A long and serious conversation followed, during which they both decided to reunite themselves with the Methodist Episcopal Church. The Conference of that Body was then in session a short distance from Toronto, and their resolution was at once carried out. They were received with open arms, and continued in the ministry of the Church during the remainder of their respective lives.

In 1837 Mr. Richardson was stationed at Toronto. The following year he travelled as a general missionary. The British and Foreign Bible Society having established a branch in Canada, Mr. Richardson was, in 1840, appointed its agent, he having received permission of the Conference to act in that capacity. This office he filled, with advantage to the Society and credit to himself, for eleven years. While acting in that capacity he often filled Wesleyan pulpits, preserved the most cordial relations with his old friends belonging to that Body. In 1842 he became Vice-President, and in 1851 President, of the Upper Canada Religious Tract and Book Society. He retained the latter position to the time of his death. In 1852 he was again appointed Presiding Elder of his Church. After occupying that position for two years his health was so much impaired that he was granted a superannuation, which he held for four years. On the 29th of March, 1858, he sustained a serious bereavement in the loss of his wife. At the Conference held in that year he reported himself able to resume his labours, and was once more appointed to the charge of a district, but before the close of the session he was elected to the Episcopal office. He was consecrated by Bishop Smith, on Sunday, the 22nd of August. He forthwith entered upon his duties. During the next two years he was in an infirm state of health, but a brief respite from work restored him, and he resumed his Episcopal and other duties with even more than his wonted vigour. In 1865 he visited England on behalf of Albert College, Belleville. The College Board was hampered by a heavy debt, and it was found impossible to relieve the pressure by Canadian subscriptions alone. Bishop Richardson accordingly, at the request of the College authorities, crossed the Atlantic to solicit aid there. He was accompanied by his daughter, Mrs. Brett, wife of Mr. R. H. Brett, banker, of Toronto. They were absent about six months, during which they visited many of the principal cities and towns of England and Scotland. The Bishop was indefatigable in his exertions, but the Reformed Methodist Church in England is not a wealthy Body, and it had enough to do to support its institutions at home. For these reasons the subscriptions obtained were neither so large nor so numerous as had been hoped, though the expedition was by no means a fruitless one.

The next five years were comparatively uneventful ones in the life of Bishop Richardson. His time was spent in the discharge of his official duties. His coadjutor, Bishop Smith, had become old and feeble, and Bishop Richardson willingly took upon himself a portion of the invalid's work. His time, therefore, was fully occupied. In 1870 Bishop Smith died, and during the next four years the entire duties pertaining to the Episcopal office devolved upon the survivor. He seemed almost to renew his youth in order to meet the extra demands made upon him. He was more than fourscore years of age, yet he contrived to get creditably through an amount of mental and bodily labour which would have prostrated many men not past their prime. He frequently conducted his pulpit services and the sessions of the Conference without the aid of spectacles; and he was persistent in his determination to do his own work without the assistance of a secretary. This state of things, however, in a man of his age, could not be expected to last. His vital forces began perceptibly to give way. In the month of August, 1874, at the General Conference of the Church held at Napanee, he consecrated the Rev. Dr. Carman to the Episcopal office. The ceremonial taxed his energies very severely, and he was compelled by physical suffering to leave the Conference room as soon as he had placed his associate in the chair. At the close of the Conference he returned to his home at Clover Hill — now known as St. Joseph Street — where a few days' rest enabled him to regain as great a measure of health as could be expected in a man who had entered upon his eighty-fourth year. During the autumn and winter he was actively at work as earnestly as ever, watching over every department of the Church, and giving especial attention to the questions submitted by the General Conference for the action of the Quarterly Meeting Conferences. During the following winter, while visiting the Ancaster Circuit, he was prostrated by dizziness, and after his return home it was evident that his end was near. He sank quietly to his rest on the 9th of March, 1875. His death was like his life — manly, and devoid of display. "I have no ecstasy," he remarked to a clerical visitor, "but I know in whom I have believed." To another visitor he remarked, "My work is done; I have nothing to do now but to die." He retained his mental faculties in their full vigour almost up to the moment when he ceased to breathe. He was buried in the family vault at the Necropolis, Toronto, on the 12th of the month. The funeral was unusually large. The funeral sermon was preached by Bishop Carman in the Metropolitan Methodist Church, on the morning of Sunday, March 21st, from the text 1st Corinthians, xv. 55: "O death, where is thy sting? O grave, where is thy victory?"

Bishop Richardson, while possessing few or none of the superlatively salient characteristics by which some of his contemporaries were distinguished, was one of those men who, almost imperceptibly, exert a wide and lasting influence for good. There was nothing showy or flashy about him; nothing theatrical or unreal. He made no pretence to brilliant oratory, or indeed to specially brilliant gifts of any kind. He was simply a man of good intellect and sound judgment, with a highly developed moral nature, who strove earnestly to benefit his fellow-men, and to leave the world better than he found it. He believed in Episcopacy, and was in full sympathy with the form of government adopted by his Church; but his zeal for Episcopacy was altogether subordinated to his zeal for Christianity. His life was conscientiously devoted to the service of his Master, and he has left behind him many hallowed memories. Next to his piety, perhaps the most conspicuous thing about him was his love for his country. His patriotism was as zealous in his declining years as it had been in those remote times when he lost his left arm before the batteries of Oswego. At the time of the Fenian invasion of Canada, in 1866 — when he was in his seventy-sixth year — his loyal sympathies were roused to such a degree that he expressed his willingness to risk his one remaining arm in his country's defence. He would have taken the field, had his doing so been necessary, with as clear a conscience as he would have discharged any other duty of his life. In the words of his biographer: "Loyalty to God and his country, uprightness and integrity in his dealings with his fellow-men, and civil and religious liberty for all, were leading articles in his creed."

LORD SEATON

Lord Seaton, who is better known to Canadians by his commoner's title of Sir John Colborne, was a son of Samuel Colborne, an English gentleman resident at Lyndhurst, in the county of Hants. He was born sometime in the year 1777, and after passing from the hands of a private tutor to Winchester College — where he remained several years — he embraced a military life, in 1794, by entering the army in the capacity of an ensign. The closing years of the last century were propitious for a young British soldier fired by an ambition to distinguish himself, and young Colborne had embraced precisely the career for which he was best fitted. He was a born soldier, and throughout his military life furnished an apt illustration of the round peg in the round hole. Napier, the historian of the Peninsular War, speaks of him as having developed "an extraordinary genius for war," and another historian refers to him as one of the bravest and most efficient officers produced by those stirring times. For the readers of these pages the chief interest in his career begins with his arrival in Canada in 1828. His services previous to that date may be summarized in a few sentences. In 1799 he was sent over by way of Holland to Egypt under Sir Ralph Abercromby, and remained there until the realm of the Pharaohs was cleared of the French and restored to the Sultan's dominion. He was with the British and Russian troops employed on the Neapolitan frontier in 1805; also in Sicily and Calabria, in the campaign of 1806. Having obtained promotion for his gallant services, he became Military Secretary to General Fox, Commander of the Forces in Sicily and the Mediterranean, and afterwards acted in the same capacity to Sir John Moore. He was present at the battle of Corunna, where his brave Chief met a glorious death. Immediately afterwards he joined the army of Lord Wellington, and in 1809 he was sent to La Mancha to report on the operations of the Spanish armies. Having received the command of a regiment, and having been appointed to a lieutenant-colonelcy, he commanded a brigade in Sir Rowland Hill's division in the campaigns of 1810-11, and was detached in command of the brigade to Castel Branco, to observe the movements of General Reynier's corps d'armée on the frontier of Portugal. At the battle of Busaco he commanded a brigade and also on the retreat to the Lines of Torres Vedras. On the 21st of June, 1814, he married Miss Elizabeth Yonge, daughter of the Rev. J. Yonge, of Puslinch, Devonshire, and Rector of Newton-Ferrers. He was actively employed all through the War in the Peninsula, and received his due proportion of wounds and glory. In 1815 he was present at the memorable battle of Waterloo, in command of his old regiment, the 52nd. He likewise commanded a brigade on the celebrated march to Paris. The battle of Waterloo was the last European conflict in which he took part. He subsequently became Lieutenant-Governor of Guernsey, one of the Channel Islands. In 1825 he was appointed a Major-General; and in 1828 he first came to Canada as Lieutenant-Governor, when the chief interest in his life, so far as Canadian readers are concerned, may be said to have begun. He succeeded Sir Peregrine Maitland, who had been transferred to Nova Scotia.

He arrived in Canada in November, 1828, and at once assumed charge of the Administration. His predecessor had left him a very undesirable legacy in the shape of great popular discontent. It was announced that Sir John had come over with instructions to reverse Sir Peregrine Maitland's policy, and to govern in accordance with liberal principles. The general elections of that year testified plainly enough that the people of Upper Canada were moving steadily in the direction of Reform, and if Sir John had acted in accordance with the instructions he had received from headquarters a good deal of subsequent calamity might perhaps have been averted. But the new Governor was essentially a military Governor. He had been literally "a man of war from his youth." His character, though in the main upright and honourable, was stern and unbending, and his military pursuits had not fitted him for the task of governing a people who were just beginning to grasp the principles of constitutional liberty. He allied himself with the Family Compact, and was guided by the advice of that body in his administration of public affairs. Parliament met early in January, 1829, and it soon became apparent that Sir John Colborne's idea of a liberal policy was not sufficiently advanced to meet the demands of the Assembly. There is no need to recapitulate in detail the arbitrary proceedings to which the Governor lent his countenance during the next few years. The prosecution of Collins and of William Lyon Mackenzie, and the setting apart of the fifty-seven rectories, have often been commented upon, and but little satisfaction is to be derived from repeating those oft-told grievances. Upon the whole, Sir John Colborne's Administration of Upper Canadian affairs cannot be said to have been much more beneficent than was that of his predecessor. With good intentions, he was constitutionally unequal to the requirements of the position in which he found himself placed. His course of action was very distasteful to the Reform Party, but he continued to govern the Upper Province until 1835, when he solicited his recall. His request was acceded to. His successor, Sir Francis Bond Head, arrived in January, 1836, and Sir John was just about to sail from New York for Europe, when he received a despatch appointing him Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in Canada. He consequently returned, and took up his quarters at Quebec, the capital of the Lower Province, where he adopted such prompt measures for the defence of the country as the exigencies of the times demanded. On the breaking out of the Rebellion he was once more in his proper element, and showed that the high military reputation which he had achieved on the continent of Europe had not been undeserved. There is no need to go through the minutiae of the Lower Canadian Rebellion, nor to tell in detail the story of St. Denis, of St. Eustache, and of St. Benoit. Sir John has been accused of unnecessary cruelty in putting down the insurrection. Suffice it to say that the emergencies of the occasion were such as to call for determined measures, and that Sir John employed measures suited to the emergencies. He soon succeeded in extinguishing the flame of rebellion in all parts of the country, taking the field himself in person in several engagements. Papineau was compelled to retreat, as also was Wolfred Nelson and his colleagues; and when Robert, the latter's brother, presented himself, he was totally routed by the able regular and militia forces under Sir John Colborne's command. On the recall of Lord Gosford, Sir John was temporarily appointed Governor-General of British North America, which high office he vacated on Lord Durham's arrival in May, 1838. He was appointed to it again on that nobleman's sudden and unauthorized departure in November of the same year. He continued to administer the Government until 1839, when he earnestly solicited his recall, in order that he might be enabled to repose from his great labours. The Hon. Charles Poulett Thomson was appointed his successor, and arrived at Quebec to relieve him of the cares and anxieties of Government. On the 23rd of October Sir John sailed for England. On his arrival there new honours awaited him. He was created a peer of the United Kingdom, as Baron Seaton; received the Grand Cross of the Bath, of Hanover, of St. Michael, and of St. George. He was also created a Privy Councillor, and a pension of £2,000 per annum was conferred upon him and his two immediate successors by Act of Parliament. In 1838 he was appointed Lieutenant-General, and in 1854 General, as also Colonel of the Second Life Guards. In 1860 he was raised to the highest rank and honour in the British service — that of Field-Marshal. He died on the 17th of April, 1863, leaving behind him a numerous progeny, the eldest whereof, James Colborne, succeeded to, and now holds, the family titles and estates. The latter are of considerable extent, and are situated in Devonshire, in London, and in the county of Kildare, Ireland. It is worth while mentioning that the present incumbent served his father in the capacity of an aide-de-camp during the Canadian Rebellion.

The name of Sir John Colborne is inseparably blended with that of Upper Canada College in the minds of the people of this Province. During the early days of his Administration of affairs in Upper Canada there was a good deal of agitation in the public mind with respect to the establishment of a more advanced seat of learning than had previously existed here. It had long been considered advisable to afford facilities to the youth of Upper Canada for obtaining a more thorough education than was to be had at such institutions as the Home District Grammar School, which up to the year 1829 was the most advanced educational establishment in York. Public feeling was aroused, and several petitions were presented to the Legislature on the subject, each of which gave rise to prolonged controversy and debate. The outcome of the discussion was that Upper Canada College was established by an order of the Provincial Government. Its original name was "the Upper Canada College and Royal Grammar School," and the system upon which it was modelled was that which was then adopted in most of the great public schools of England. The classes were first opened on the 8th of January, 1830, in the building on Adelaide Street which had formerly been used as the Home District Grammar School. There it continued for more than a year. In the summer of 1831 the institution was removed to the site which it has since occupied. A fine portrait in oil of the subject of this sketch, in his military costume, may be seen in one of the apartments there.

THE HON. SIR DOMINICK DALY

Sir Dominick Daly was born on the 11th of August, 1799, and was the third son of Mr. Dominick Daly, a descendant of an old Roman Catholic family in the county of Galway, Ireland. He was educated at the Roman Catholic College of St. Mary's, near Birmingham, and after completing his studies spent some time with an uncle who was a banker in Paris. He subsequently returned to Ireland. In 1825 the Earl of Dalhousie visited England, and Sir Francis M. Burton, who acted as Lieutenant-Governor during his absence, brought with him as his private secretary, Mr. Dominick Daly, then about twenty-six years of age. Lord Dalhousie returned to Canada early in 1826, and Mr. Daly returned with Sir Francis Burton to England.

In 1827 he returned to Quebec, bearing with him instructions to the Governor-General to confer upon him the office of Provincial Secretary. The appointment had been procured in England by the influence of Sir Francis Burton, and other friends of Mr. Daly. During the interval which elapsed between his appointment as Provincial Secretary and the rebellion of 1837, a period of about ten years, Mr. Daly carefully abstained from engaging in the political conflict, and seems to have enjoyed a larger share of public confidence than any other official. When Lord Durham was appointed Governor-General after the rebellion, Mr. Daly was the only public official who was sworn of the Executive Council, and there is no doubt that he was the only one of the British officials who was looked on with favour by the leaders of the popular party. And yet, viewing his conduct by the light of subsequent events, it is probable that the popular leaders overestimated Mr. Daly's sympathy with their cause. Unconnected with politics, he considered it his duty to support the policy of the Governor of the day; and he doubtless was of opinion that having been for many years incumbent of an office which had always been admitted to be held as a permanent tenure, he was justified in retaining it as long as he had the sanction of the Governor for doing so. When the Union of the old Provinces of Lower and Upper Canada took place in 1841, the Governor-General called on the principal departmental officers to find seats in the House of Assembly, although it is very improbable that he had any intention of strictly carrying into practice what has since been understood as Responsible Government. It had been the practice under the old system for the law officers of the Crown to find seats in the Legislature, but the offices of Provincial Secretary and Registrar, Receiver-General, Commissioner of Crown Lands, and Inspector-General, had always been considered non-political. Lord Sydenham, as far as can be judged from what occurred, had no definite policy on the subject. He induced Mr. Daly to enter Parliament, and the latter seems to have had no difficulty in procuring a seat for the county of Megantic. The Provincial Secretary in Upper Canada was allowed to retain his office without entering public life. The Commissioner of Crown Lands in Lower Canada declined becoming a candidate, and retained his office, while in Upper Canada the Commissioner of Crown Lands was a member both of the Legislative and Executive Councils. Mr. Daly seems to have been considered as unobjectionable by the leaders of the majority in Lower Canada, as he was by their opponents, which, taking into account the excited state of feeling at the period of the Union, is conclusive proof that he had acted with great discretion during the stormy period which preceded the suspension of the Constitution. When Mr. Baldwin, on accepting office at the time of the Union, deemed it his duty to acquaint those who were appointed members of Council prior to the meeting of the first Parliament of United Canada, that there were some in whom he had no political confidence, Mr. Daly was one of the exceptions; and as Mr. Baldwin's avowed object was the introduction of French Canadians into the Government, he must have been satisfied that they had not the objection to Mr. Daly that they had to Mr. Ogden and Mr. Day. Mr. Baldwin's attempt to procure a reconstruction of the Ministry was unsuccessful, and he resigned, not having been supported by those with whom he had avowed his readiness to act. Mr. Daly went through the session of 1841 as a member of the Government, and visited England during the recess. On the meeting of the Legislature in 1842, Sir Charles Bagot having, during the interval, succeeded Lord Sydenham, overtures were made, with the concurrence of Mr. Daly, to Messrs. Lafontaine and Baldwin, which led to a reconstruction of the Cabinet. Mr. Daly retained his office of Provincial Secretary, and acted in perfect harmony with his colleagues, not only during the short term of Sir Charles Bagot's Government, but during the critical period of 1843, after Sir Charles Metcalfe's assumption of the Government, and up to the very moment when, in the opinion of all his colleagues, resignation became absolutely necessary. During the whole of this period Mr. Daly appeared to concur with his colleagues on every point on which a difference of opinion arose, and it was only when resignation became absolutely necessary that he declined to act any longer in concert with them. At an early period of the session of 1843 a vacancy occurred in the Speakership of the Legislative Council — an office of considerable political importance, and one which it was clearly impossible that the Ministry could consent to have conferred on a political opponent. The choice of the Administration fell on the Hon. Denis B. Viger, one of the oldest Liberal politicians in the Province. On submitting their advice to Sir Charles Metcalfe, he not only objected most strongly to Mr. Viger's appointment, but stated that he had offered the post, without consulting his Ministers, to Mr. Sherwood, a retired Judge, and father of Mr. Henry Sherwood, one of the leading opponents of the Administration. Had Mr. Sherwood accepted the offer, the crisis would have occurred a few weeks sooner than it did, and on a question on which there could have been no misapprehension. Mr. Sherwood declined the offer, probably to avoid the impending difficulty, and after some negotiation, the Ministry consented to withdraw Mr. Viger's name, and to substitute that of the late Lieutenant-Governor Caron. During all this difficulty, Mr. Daly was apparently in accord with his colleagues, although it subsequently appeared that he was acting in concert with Mr. Edward Gibbon Wakefield, who took an active part in supporting Sir Charles, and whose letters published in England threw a good deal of light on the transactions previous to the crisis. Mr. Daly retained his office of Secretary in the new Ministry formed by Metcalfe, and was subjected to much censure for what was considered a desertion of his colleagues. So bitter was the personal feeling that on one occasion language was used in the House by one of his old colleagues, Mr. Aylwin, which he deemed so offensive as to lead him to retort in terms that provoked a hostile message and a subsequent meeting, when, after an exchange of shots, the dispute was amicably settled.

The Ministry formed under Metcalfe in 1843 was changed repeatedly, Mr. Daly having been the only member of it who retained office until the resignation in March, 1848, in consequence of a vote of want of confidence having been carried in the Assembly at the opening of the third Parliament. There were during that period two Attorneys-General and two Solicitors-General in each of the Provinces, two Presidents of the Council, two Receivers-General, two Ministers of Finance, two Commissioners of Crown Lands, but only one Secretary, whose adhesion to office was the subject of a good deal of remark. When at last resignation became indispensably necessary, Mr. Daly withdrew almost immediately from public life. It had clearly never been his intention to continue in Parliament as a member of the Opposition; and it could scarcely have been expected by the Party with which circumstances had forced him into alliance that he would adhere to it after its downfall. It may truly be said of Mr. Daly that he was never a member of any Canadian Party, and that he had no sympathy with the political views of any of his numerous colleagues. A most amiable man in private life, and much esteemed by a large circle of private friends, he was wholly unsuited for public life. He had never been in the habit of speaking in public prior to his first election, and he never attempted to acquire the talent. Having no private fortune, he found himself after the age of forty suddenly called upon to take a prominent part in the organization of a new system of government, which involved his probable retirement, and as an almost necessary consequence, his subsequent exclusion from office.

In estimating Sir Dominick Daly's political character, it would be unfair to judge him by the same standard as those who subsequently accepted office with a full knowledge of the responsibilities which they incurred by doing so. Sir Dominick Daly was the last of the old Canadian bureaucracy, and it is not a little singular that he should have been able to retain his old office of Secretary under the new system for a period of fully seven years. On his return to England his claim on the Imperial Government, which without doubt had been strongly urged by Metcalfe, was promptly recognized, and he was almost immediately appointed a Commissioner of Enquiry into the claims of the New and Waltham Forests, which he held until the close of the Commission in 1850-51. He was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Island of Tobago, in the Windward Island group, in 1851, and transferred to the government of Prince Edward Island in 1854, which he held until 1857. In November, 1861, he was appointed Governor and Commander-in-Chief of South Australia, where he died in the year 1868, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. He had received the honour of knighthood on the termination of his service in Prince Edward Island.

Sir Dominick Daly married, in 1826, a daughter of Colonel Gore, of Barrowmount, in the County Kilkenny, Ireland, by whom he had several children. One of his sons is the present representative of the city of Halifax in the Dominion Parliament.

THE HON. WILLIAM McMASTER

Mr. McMaster is probably the most widely known among the merchant princes of Western Canada, and has had a remarkably successful commercial career. As is the case with most men who have been the architects of their own fortunes, his success is largely attributable to his personal qualifications. He inherited a sound constitution, an active, enterprising mind, and a strong will. With such advantages he began the battle of life in this country nearly half a century ago. He grew with the country's growth, and by his industry and shrewdness achieved, in course of time, a position which made him thoroughly independent of the world. It has been the fashion to say of him that his mercantile operations were always attended with "good luck;" but those who converse with him on commercial or financial questions for half an hour will draw their own conclusions as to how far "luck" has had to do with the matter. He has been lucky in the same sense that the late Duke of Wellington was lucky; that is to say, he has known how to take advantage of favourable circumstances. Anyone else possessing his keenness of perception and shrewd common sense would in the long run have been equally lucky. He has made good use alike of his wealth and his talents, and the land of his adoption is the better for his presence.

He is by birth and early training an Irishman, and was born in the county of Tyrone, on the 24th of December, 1811. His father, the late Mr. William McMaster, was a linen merchant whose resources were not abundant, but who was able to give his son a good education. The latter received his educational training at an excellent private school taught by a Mr. Halcro, who had a high local reputation as a teacher. After leaving school he was for a short time a clerk in a local mercantile house. His prospects in Ireland, however, were not commensurate with his ambition. In 1833, when he was in his twenty-second year, he resigned his situation, and emigrated. Upon reaching New York he was advised by the resident British Consul not to settle in the United States, but to make his way to Canada. He acted upon the advice, and passed on to Toronto — or, as it was then called, Little York.

The conditions of the wholesale trade in Canada in those days were very different from those which now prevail. The preeminence of Montreal as a point of distribution for both the Provinces was well established, and the wholesale trade of Little York was comparatively insignificant. There were very few exclusively wholesale establishments in the Upper Canadian capital, but several of the largest firms contrived to combine a wholesale and retail business. Young William McMaster, immediately upon his arrival at Little York, obtained a clerkship in one of these, viz., that of Mr. Robert Cathcart, a merchant who then occupied premises on the south side of King Street, opposite Toronto Street. After remaining in this establishment somewhat more than a year in the capacity of a clerk, young McMaster was admitted to a partnership in the business, a large share of which from that time forward came under his own personal management. The partnership lasted about ten years, when — in 1844 — Mr. McMaster withdrew from it, and started a separate wholesale dry-goods business on his own account, in a store situated on the west side of Yonge Street, a short distance below the intersection of that thoroughfare with King Street. By this time the conditions of trade had undergone some modification. Montreal still had the lion's share of the wholesale trade, but Toronto and Hamilton had also become known as distributing centres, and both those towns contained some large wholesale warehouses. Mr. McMaster's business was a large one from the beginning, but it rapidly expanded, until there was not a town, and scarcely a village in Canada West, which did not largely depend upon the house of William McMaster for its dry-goods supplies. The attempt to make Toronto, instead of Montreal, the wholesale emporium for Western Canada was not initiated by Mr. McMaster, but it was ably seconded by him, and no merchant now living did so much to divert the wholesale trade to western channels. In process of time he admitted his nephews (who now compose the firm of Messrs. A. R. McMaster & Brother) into partnership, and removed to more commodious premises lower down on Yonge Street, contiguous to the Bank of Montreal. This large establishment in its turn became too small for the ever-increasing volume of trade, and the magnificent commercial palace on Front Street, where the business is still carried on, was erected. Here, under the style of William McMaster & Nephews, the business continued to grow. As time passed by, the senior partner became engaged in large financial and other enterprises, and practically left the purely commercial operations to the management of his nephews. Eventually he withdrew from the firm altogether, but his retirement has not been passed in idleness. He has a natural aptitude for dealing with matters of finance, and this aptitude has been increased by the operations of an active mercantile life. He has been a director in several of the most important banking and insurance institutions in the country, and has always taken his full share of the work devolving upon him. Twenty years ago he founded the Canadian Bank of Commerce, and became its President. That position he has occupied ever since, and every banking-day finds him at his post. There can be no doubt that his care and judgement have had much to do with the highly successful career of the institution. Mr. McMaster was also for some time a director of the Ontario Bank, and of the Bank of Montreal. He has for many years acted as President of the Freehold Loan and Savings Company, as Vice-President of the Confederation Life Association, and as a director of the Isolated Risk — now called the Sovereign — Insurance Company. He also for many years occupied the unenviable position of Chairman of the Canadian Board of the Great Western Railway. Upon the abolition of that Board a few years ago, and the election of an English Board in its stead, Mr. McMaster was the only Canadian whose services were retained.

But it is not only with financial and kindred matters that Mr. McMaster has busied himself of late years. In 1862 he for the first time entered political life, having been elected to represent the Midland Division, embracing North York and South Simcoe, in the Legislative Council of old Canada. He was opposed by Mr. John W. Gamble, who sustained a crushing defeat, and Mr. McMaster continued to represent the Midland Division until the Union. When the Senate of the Dominion was substituted for the old Legislative Council, after the accomplishment of Confederation, Mr. McMaster was chosen as one of the Senators to represent Ontario, and he has ever since taken part in the deliberations of that body. He has always been identified with the Liberal Party, but has never been an extremist in his politics, and has kept himself aloof from the faction fights of the times.

His highest claim to the consideration of posterity will probably rest upon his services in the cause of education. These have been of a kind which we would be glad to see emulated by others of our wealthy capitalists. His first connection with general educational matters dates from the year 1865, when he was appointed a member of the old Council of Public Instruction. He continued to represent the Baptist Church — of which he is a prominent member — at that Board for a period of ten years. When the Senate of Toronto University was reconstructed, in 1873, he was nominated one of its members by the Lieutenant-Governor. But his most important services in the cause of education have been in connection with the denomination of which he is a devoted member. When the Canadian Literary Institute, at Woodstock, was originally projected, he contributed liberally to the building fund, and repeated his contribution when money was needed for the restoration of the buildings after they were burned down. He has ever since contributed liberally to the support of the institution, and indeed has been its mainstay in a financial point of view. He has been largely instrumental in bringing about the removal of the theological department of the Institute to Toronto, where a suitable building is now in process of erection for its accommodation in the Queen's Park, on land purchased by Mr. McMaster specially for that purpose. The cost of erecting this building is borne entirely by Mr. McMaster, and will amount, it is said, to at least $70,000.

His benefactions to the Baptist Church have been large and numerous, and of late years have been almost princely. The handsome edifice on the corner of Jarvis and Gerrard Streets, Toronto, is largely due to the bounty of Mr. McMaster and his wife, whose joint contributions to the building fund amounted to about $60,000. To Mr. McMaster also is due the existence of the Superannuated Ministers' Society of the Baptist Church of this Province, of which he is the President, and to the funds of which he has contributed with his accustomed liberality. He has also long contributed to the support of the Upper Canada Bible Society, of which he is the Treasurer.

He married, in 1851, Miss Mary Henderson, of New York City. Her death took place in 1868; and three years afterwards he married his present wife, Susan Molton, widow of the late Mr. James Fraser, of Newburgh, in the State of New York. There is no issue of either marriage.

THE HON. WILFRID LAURIER

Mr. Laurier was born at St. Lin, L'Assomption, in the Province of Quebec, on the 20th of November, 1841. He was educated first at L'Assomption College, and subsequently at McGill University, where he took his degree of B.C.L. in 1864. A year later he was called to the Bar of Quebec, his law studies having been pursued in the office of Mr. — now the Hon. — T. A. R. Laflamme. His health having suffered by too close attention to his professional duties, Mr. Laurier, at the end of two years, left Montreal, where he had practised, and became the editor of Le Défricheur newspaper at Arthabaska. His predecessor in the editorship was the late Mr. J. B. E. Dorion, the paper being devoted to the advocacy of Liberal principles. It did not, however, long continue in existence, and on its suspension Mr. Laurier once more returned to his professional pursuits, in which he soon obtained a high position, his personal popularity being as marked as his intellectual attainments. In 1871 he was the Liberal candidate for the representation of Drummond and Arthabaska in the Local Assembly, and carried the seat by a large majority. His talents as a debater and his statesmanlike cast of mind soon made him prominent in the Legislature, and when, in 1874, Mr. Mackenzie, shortly after accepting office, appealed to the country, Mr. Laurier relinquished his seat at Quebec to enter upon a more enlarged sphere of work at Ottawa. He was elected for Drummond and Arthabaska after a keen contest, and on the opening of the first session of the new Parliament was selected to second the address in reply to the Speech from the Throne. The manner in which he discharged this duty made a most favourable impression. He was at once recognized as one of the foremost of the many able representatives Quebec had sent to support the then-existing Government, and has since never failed to impress the House favourably when he has taken part in the debates.

It was evident from his first introduction to parliamentary life that he must, at no distant day, be called upon to take his share in the responsibilities of office. Even before that time his status as a leader of opinion and a representative man in relation to public affairs had been very clearly marked out. In a lecture delivered by him at Quebec in July, 1877, on "Political Liberalism," he made a splendid defence of the Liberals of Quebec against the misrepresentations and aspersions to which they had been subjected. He insisted on the distinction between religious and political opinions being maintained, and showed how strictly moderate and constitutional were the views of those with whom he was politically associated. Of the Liberal Party of the past — of the follies that had characterized too many of its actions and utterances, nothing, he declared, then existed, but in its stead remained the principles of the Liberal Party of England. On the other hand, sketching the party opposed to him under the name of Conservative, he spoke as follows: — "Sir George Cartier," he said, "was devoted to the principles of the English Constitution — if Sir George Cartier were to return to the world again he would not recognize his Party. I certainly respect too much the opinion of my opponents to do them an injury, but I reproach them with knowing neither their country nor the times. I accuse them of estimating the political situation not by what has occurred here, but by what has occurred in France. I accuse them of endeavouring to introduce here ideas which would be impossible in our state of society. I accuse them of laboriously endeavouring, and, unfortunately, too effectually, to make religion the simple basis of a political Party. It is the custom of our adversaries to accuse us Liberals of irreligion. I am not here to parade my religious principles, but I proclaim that I have too much respect for the faith in which I was born ever to make it appear as the basis of a political organization. We are a happy and free people; we owe this freedom to the Liberal institutions which govern us, which we owe to our forefathers and to the wisdom of the Mother Country. The policy of the Liberal Party is to guard these institutions, to defend and propagate them, and under the rule of these institutions to develop the latent resources of our country. Such is the policy of the Liberal Party, and it has no other." Mr. Laurier's Liberalism, in fact, is of the strictly British type, and to the immense benefit which has accrued to his French compatriots by the concession of free British institutions he has borne eloquent testimony. Few men, indeed, could be found better calculated than Mr. Laurier to effect a union of thought, sentiment, and interest between those distinguished by difference of race and creed, in the interest of their common country. It was not, as we have seen, at all surprising that on a vacancy occurring in the Quebec representation in the Dominion Cabinet, Mr. Laurier should be offered the vacant portfolio. His fitness for the position was disputed by none, either on personal or political grounds. In Ontario, no less than in Quebec, his acceptance of office was hailed as a just tribute to his worth and ability. In September, 1877, he was sworn of the Privy Council, and became Minister of Inland Revenue. The knowledge of his strength in Parliament and the country served to stimulate the determination of his opponents to defeat him at all hazards when he returned to his constituents for reëlection. The contest terminated by Mr. Bourbeau, the Conservative candidate, being elected by a majority of 22 votes over the new Minister. The defeat only served to show how highly the importance of Mr. Laurier's position in the country was estimated. Several constituencies were at once placed at his disposal. Ultimately the Hon. Mr. Thibaudeau, member for Quebec East, resigned, in order to create a vacancy. After a short but very exciting contest, Mr. Laurier carried the division by a majority of 315 votes. The result was the signal for general rejoicing, his journey to Ottawa and his reception there being one continued ovation. He retained the portfolio of Minister of Inland Revenue until the resignation of the Government in October, 1878. At the elections held on the 17th of September previous he was returned for Quebec East by a majority of 778 votes over his opponent, Mr. Vallière, and he now sits in the House for that constituency. He speaks both the French and English languages fluently, has a large amount of French vivacity sobered by great self-command, can strike home without too severely wounding, and commands the respect and good-will of his warmest political adversaries.

THE RIGHT HON. SIR CHARLES BAGOT

The Right Honourable Sir Charles Bagot, the successor of Lord Sydenham as Governor-General of British North America, was born at Blithfield House, Rugeley, in Staffordshire, England, on the 23rd of September, 1781. He was descended from an old aristocratic family, which has been resident in Staffordshire for several hundred years, and was ennobled in 1780 — the year previous to the birth of the subject of this sketch. He was the second son of William, first Baron Bagot, a nobleman highly distinguished for his scholastic and scientific attainments. His mother was Lady Louisa, daughter of Viscount St. John, brother and heir of the illustrious Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke.

His life was not marked by much variety of incident, and affords but scanty material for the biographer. From his early youth he was a prey to great feebleness of constitution, which prevented him from making any conspicuous figure at school. Upon completing his majority, his health being much improved, he entered public life on the Tory side, in the capacity of Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, under Mr. Canning, during the Administration of the Duke of Portland. His tenure of that office does not seem to have been marked by any very noteworthy incidents. In 1814 he was despatched on a special mission to Paris, at which time he resided for several months in the French capital. Later on he was successively appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, and Ambassador to the Courts of St. Petersburg and the Hague. By this time his health, which had never been very robust, again gave way, and he was compelled to decline several other honourable and lucrative appointments which were offered to him by the Ministry of the day. One of them was the Governor-Generalship of India, rendered vacant by the return of Lord Amherst to England. During Sir Robert Peel's short Administration in 1834, he took charge of a special mission to Vienna, in the discharge of which he commended himself highly to the authorities at home. A Reform Government succeeded, and during its tenure of office we have no information as to the subject of this memoir.

In 1841 the Tories again came into power under the leadership of Sir Robert Peel. In the Ministry then formed, Lord Stanley, afterwards Earl of Derby (father of the present Earl), held the post of Colonial Secretary. Upon Lord Sydenham's death, in that year, it became necessary to appoint a new Governor-General of British North America. Lord Stanley offered the post to Sir Charles Bagot, who accepted it, and soon afterwards sailed for this country, where public affairs, since Lord Sydenham's death in the preceding month of September, had been under the direction of Sir Richard Jackson, Commander-in-Chief of the Forces. Sir Charles entered upon his official duties on the 10th of January, 1842, and it soon became apparent that he intended to carry out the judicious line of policy inaugurated by his predecessor, Lord Sydenham. He held himself aloof from purely party questions, and formed no definite alliance with either Reformers or Conservatives. This was a grievous disappointment to the latter. His past political career had led the Tory leaders in Canada to suppose that he would espouse their views, and that by his aid their ascendancy would be reëstablished. These expectations were not destined to be realized. Sir Charles spent his time in familiarizing himself with the position and needs of the country at large. In some respects he showed himself to be more liberal than his predecessor, Lord Sydenham, had been. Lord Sydenham had been indisposed to have anything to do with those persons who had abetted the rebellion. Sir Charles, knowing that Responsible Government had been conceded, resolved to govern himself accordingly. Though himself a Tory by predilection and by training, he knew that he had not been sent out to Canada to gratify his own political leanings, but to govern in accordance with the popular will. "He determined," says Mr. Macmullen, "to use whatever party he found capable of supporting a Ministry, and accordingly made overtures to the French Canadians and that section of the Reform Party of Upper Canada led by Mr. Baldwin, who then formed the Opposition in the Assembly. There can be no question that this was the wisest line of policy he could adopt, and that it tended to remove the differences between the two races, and unite them more cordially for the common weal. The French Canadian element was no longer in the ascendant — the English language had decidedly assumed the aggressive, and true wisdom consisted in forgetting the past, and opening the door of preferment to men of talent of French as well as to those of British origin. The necessity of this line of policy was interwoven with the Union Act; and, after that, was the first great step towards the amalgamation of the races. A different policy would have nullified the principle of Responsible Government, and must have proved suicidal to any Ministry seeking to carry it out. Sir Charles Bagot went on the broad principle that the constitutional majority had the right to rule under the Constitution." Finding that the Ministry then in being did not possess the public confidence, he called to his councils Robert Baldwin, Francis Hincks, Lafontaine, Morin, and Aylwin. Upon the opening of the Legislature, in the following September, he made a speech which showed that he understood the situation and requirements of the country, and was sincerely desirous of promoting its welfare. The session, which was a brief one, passed without any specially noteworthy incidents. Soon after the prorogation, which took place on the 8th of October, Sir Charles began to feel the effects of approaching winter in a rigorous climate. His physicians advised him, as he valued his life, to free himself from the cares of office, and betake himself to a milder clime. He sent in his resignation, and prepared to return to England, but the state of his health soon became so serious that he was unfit to endure an ocean voyage in the middle of winter. He was destined never to see his native land again. He lingered until the 19th of May, 1843, when he sank quietly to rest, at Kingston, in the sixty-second year of his age.

LA SALLE

The publication last year of a revised edition of Mr. Parkman's "Discovery of the Great West" has made the compilation of a sketch of La Salle's life a very easy task. Mr. Parkman has told about everything that is worth telling — indeed, every important fact that is known — with reference to the great explorer; and for the future, any brief account of his life must necessarily be little more than a condensation of Mr. Parkman's book. "It is the glory and the misfortune of France," says M. Guizot, "to always lead the van in the march of civilization, without having the wit to profit by the discoveries and the sagacious boldness of her children. On the unknown roads which she has opened to human enterprise she has too often left the fruits to be gathered by nations less inventive, but more persevering." The life of the ardent explorer whose achievements form the subject of this sketch affords an apt commentary on the text of the eminent French historian above quoted. Long prior to the date of La Salle's discoveries, Samuel de Champlain had dreamed of and fruitlessly sought for a continuous water passage across the American continent, and hoped to thereby establish a profitable commerce with the Indies, China, and Japan. La Salle, following in Champlain's footsteps, and dreaming the same wild dreams, spent a great part of his life in attempting to do what his great predecessor had failed in accomplishing. His discoveries, however, extended over a much broader field. La Salle may practically be said to have discovered the Great West. He crossed the Mississippi, which the Jesuits had been the first to reach, and pushed on to the far south, constructing forts in the midst of the most savage districts, and taking possession of Louisiana in the name of King Louis XIV. Abandoned by many of his comrades, and losing the most faithful of them by death; attacked by savages, betrayed by his own hirelings, thwarted in his projects by his enemies and his rivals, he at last met an inglorious death by assassination, just as he was about to make his way back to New France. He left the field open after him to the innumerable explorers of every nation and every language who have since left their mark on those measureless tracts. If but little benefit accrued to France from his discoveries, the fault was not his. He has left an imperishable record on the page of American history, and as a discoverer his name occupies a place in early Canadian annals second only —if second — to that of Champlain himself.

Réné-Robert Cavelier, better known by his territorial patronymic of La Salle, was born at Rouen, in Normandy, some time in the year 1643. The exact date of his birth is unknown, but his baptism took place on the 22nd of November of that year, at which time it is probable that he was only a few days old. His family had long been wealthy burghers of Rouen, and there were no obstacles in the way of his receiving a liberal education. He early displayed an aptitude for science and mathematics, and, while still young, entered a Jesuit Seminary in his native town. By this act, which constituted the first step towards taking holy orders, he forfeited the inheritance which would otherwise have descended to him — a forfeiture which does not seem at any time to have weighed very heavily on his mind. He seems to have occupied for a short time the position of a teacher in the Seminary. After profiting for several years by the discipline taught in the establishment he requested and obtained his discharge, obtaining high praise from the directors of the Seminary for the diligence of his studies and the purity of his life. "The cravings of a deep ambition," says Mr. Parkman, "the hunger of an insatiable intellect, the intense longing for active achievement, subdued in him all other passions; and among his faults the love of pleasure had no part." His father had died a short time before La Salle quitted the Seminary, and he would then have at once succeeded to a large patrimony but for his connection with the Jesuits. A small sum — amounting to several hundred livres — was handed over to him, and in the spring of 1666 the young adventurer embarked for fame and fortune in New France, towards which the attention of all western Europe was at that time directed. He had already an elder brother in this country — the Abbé Jean Cavelier, a Sulpician priest at Montreal. The Sulpicians had established themselves there a few years before this time, and had already become proprietors and feudal lords of the city and island. They were granting out their lands to settlers on very easy terms, and La Salle obtained a grant of a large tract of land a short distance above the turbulent current now known as the Lachine Rapids. Here he became a feudal proprietor and fur trader on his own account. Such a pursuit, however, was far from satisfying the cravings of his ambition. Like Champlain and all the early explorers, he dreamed of a passage to the South Sea, and a new road for commerce to the riches of China and Japan. Indians often came to his secluded settlement; and on one occasion he was visited by a band of Seneca Iroquois, some of whom spent the winter with him, and told him of a river called the Ohio, rising in their country and flowing into the sea, but at such a distance that its mouth could only be reached after a journey of eight or nine months. Evidently the Ohio and the Mississippi are here merged into one. In accordance with geographical views then prevalent, La Salle conceived that this great river must needs flow into the "Vermilion Sea;" that is, the Gulf of California. If so, it would give him what he sought — a western passage to China, while, in any case, the populous Indian tribes said to inhabit its banks might be made a source of great commercial profit. His imagination took fire. His resolution was soon formed; and he descended the St. Lawrence to Quebec, to gain the countenance of the Governor for his intended exploration. Few men were more skilled than he in the art of clear and plausible statement. Both the Governor (Courcelle), and the Intendant (Talon) were readily won over to his plan; for which, however, they seem to have given him no more substantial aid than that of the Governor's letters patent authorizing the enterprise. The cost was to be his own; and he had no money, having spent it all on his seigniory. He therefore proposed that the Seminary, which had given it to him, should buy it back again, with such improvements as he had made. Queylus, the Superior, being favourably disposed towards him, consented, and bought of him the greater part; while La Salle sold the remainder, including the clearings, to one Milot, an ironmonger, for twenty-eight hundred livres. With this he bought four canoes, with the necessary supplies, and hired fourteen men. This being accomplished, he started on his expedition, in the course of which he explored the southern shore of Lake Ontario, and visited the Senecas in Western New York. Continuing his journey, he passed the mouth of the Niagara River, where he heard the roar of the mighty cataract, and passed on to an Indian encampment near the present site of Hamilton. After much delay he reached a branch of the Ohio, and descended at least as far as the rapids at Louisville, where he was abandoned by his attendants, and was compelled to return, his problem being yet unsolved.

But the time was not far distant when he was to make a much more extended voyage than he had hitherto accomplished, and with somewhat more important results. In 1672 Count Frontenac came over to Canada and succeeded Courcelle as Governor of the colony. A friendship sprang up between him and La Salle, and they began to form schemes of western enterprise. Erelong we find the latter paying a flying visit to France, and receiving from the King, mainly through his patron's influence, a patent of nobility and a grant of Fort Frontenac — which had just before been founded by the new Governor with imposing ceremonies — together with a large tract of the contiguous territory. Then La Salle's serious troubles may be said to have begun. His grant involved the exclusive right of fur-traffic with the Indians on Lake Ontario, and though trade was a secondary object with him, he nevertheless engaged in it as a means of furthering his more ambitious schemes of exploration. The merchants of Canada, envious of his influence and success, leagued themselves against him, and resolved to accomplish his downfall. The Jesuits also placed themselves in opposition to him, for his avowed projects conflicted with theirs. La Salle aimed at the control of the valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, and the usufruct of half a continent. The Jesuits were no longer supreme in Canada. In other words, Canada was no longer simply a mission. It had become a colony. Temporal interests and the civil power were constantly gaining ground. Therefore the Jesuits looked with redoubled solicitude to their missions in the West. They dreaded fur-traders, partly because they interfered with their teachings and perverted their converts, and partly for other reasons. La Salle was a fur-trader, and moreover aimed at occupation and settlement. In short, he was a stumbling block in their path, and they leagued themselves against him. Many of them engaged in underhand dealings with the Indians, and while they refused absolution to all Europeans who sold brandy to the natives, they turned a good many dishonest pennies by selling it themselves. They laid all kinds of traps for La Salle, and did not escape the suspicion of attempting to poison him. It is certain that an attempt to destroy him in this fashion was made, though he himself exonerates the Jesuits from participation in the attempt. In the autumn of 1677 he again sailed for France, and while there procured Royal letters patent authorizing him to prosecute his schemes of western discovery, to erect forts at such places as he might deem expedient, and to enjoy the exclusive right of traffic in buffalo skins. With Henri de Tonty, an Italian officer, as his lieutenant, he soon afterwards returned to Fort Frontenac, whence, in the autumn of 1678, he set out for the Great West.

The historian of this expedition was a mendacious Recollet friar, Father Louis Hennepin, a name which has attained some notoriety in early Canadian annals. Father Hennepin had come out to Canada three years before the date at which we have arrived. Upon landing at Quebec he was at once sent up to Fort Frontenac, as a missionary. He found that wild spot in the western wilderness very much to his liking. He had not been there long before he erected a gigantic cross, and superintended the building of a chapel for himself and his colleague, Father Luke Buisset. He seems to have discharged his duties with a reasonable amount of zeal. He for some time gave himself up to instructing and endeavouring to convert the Indians of the neighbourhood. Later on he visited other Indian settlements, and made a noteworthy journey into the interior of what is now the State of New York, where he preached the Gospel to various tribes of the Five Nations, with indifferent success.

Upon receiving intelligence of La Salle's projected western journey, in 1678, Father Hennepin felt and expressed great eagerness to accompany the expedition. Permission to do so having been obtained from his Provincial, as well as from La Salle, he set out in advance of the latter from Fort Frontenac, early in November, accompanied by the Sieur De La Motte and a crew of sixteen sailors, embarked in a brigantine of ten tons. They skirted the northern shore of Lake Ontario, and in due time arrived at the Indian village of Taiaiagon, situated at the mouth of a river near the present city of Toronto. The river was probably the Humber, and the village was doubtless a collection of wigwams which have left no trace behind them. From this point the explorers crossed the lake to the mouth of the Niagara River, which they entered on the morning of the 6th of December. They landed on the eastern side of the stream, where the old fort of Niagara now stands. The site was then occupied by a small village inhabited by Seneca Indians, many of whom probably then beheld for the first time those wondrous pale-faces, the fame of whose exploits had preceded them into the wilderness. As the vessel rounded the opposite point the entire crew burst forth into sacred song, and chanted "Te Deum Laudamus" until the anchor was cast into the river. Later in the day they ascended several miles farther up the stream, until they reached the present site of Lewiston, where they built a rude dwelling of palisades. After remaining for some time, waiting for La Salle to join them, they set off on an expedition into the interior of New York, to pay a visit to a village of the Senecas.

In the meantime La Salle and Tonty had started from Fort Frontenac, with a band of men and a goodly store of supplies for the expedition. After encountering rough weather and being nearly wrecked off the Bay of Quinté, they crossed the lake and landed at the mouth of the Genesee River. Here they disembarked, and after a brief delay, started on a visit to the same Indian village which had just been visited by Hennepin and La Motte, and which was a short distance south-east of the present site of the city of Rochester. La Salle called a council of the natives, and did his utmost to conciliate them, for they looked upon his proceedings with no friendly eye, and were not slow in expressing their disapproval. They were wise enough to know that European exploration would be but the forerunner of European settlement, and that European settlement must be the "sullen presage of their own decay." La Salle, however, had a great deal of personal magnetism and force of character, and contrived to gain the good-will of several of the chiefs. After much argument and cajoling, he succeeded in gaining their consent to the conveyance of his arms and ammunition by way of the portage at Niagara. They also acquiesced in his proposal to establish a fortified warehouse at the mouth of the river, and to build a vessel above the falls in which to prosecute his researches in the west. Having accomplished so much — and considering the jealousy of the Indians, it is surprising that he should have obtained such concessions — he set out to join Hennepin and La Motte in the Niagara River, which had been appointed as their place of meeting.

Father Hennepin and La Motte had not long taken up their quarters on the banks of the Niagara River before they ascended the stream to regale themselves with a view of the mighty cataract of which they had so often heard with awe and astonishment. To the skill of the mendacious priest we are indebted for the first verbal description of the falls by an eye-witness, as well as for the first artistic delineation of them. The friar had a keen eye for the beauties and grandeur of natural scenery; but, like other travellers before and since his time, he was much given to dealing in the marvellous. His view is drawn in direct violation of the laws of perspective, and the proportions are not correctly preserved. It must be remembered, however, that during the two hundred years which have elapsed since the sketch was made, nature has been steadily at work, and that the external appearance of the falls has undergone many changes in that time. It is probable, too, that the cross-fall depicted in his sketch as pouring over what has since been called "Table Rock" really existed in 1678. Upon the whole, there is no reason for doubting that in its general outlines the sketch made by Father Hennepin pourtrayed the scene more faithfully than did his written description, of which the following is a literal translation: "Betwixt the Lake Ontario and the Lake Erie there is a vast and prodigious cadence of water, which falls down after a surprising and astonishing manner, insomuch that the universe does not afford its parallel. This wonderful downfall is about six hundred feet, and is composed of two great cross-streams of water, and two falls, with an island sloping across the middle of it. The waters which fall from this horrible precipice do foam and boil after the most hideous manner imaginable, making an outrageous noise, more terrible than that of thunder; for when the wind blows out of the south their dismal roaring may be heard more than fifteen leagues off."

Hennepin and La Motte were soon afterwards joined by La Salle and Tonty, accompanied by a party consisting of mechanics, labourers and voyageurs, who arrived in a small schooner. After a short exploration of the country thereabouts La Salle set about the construction of a large vessel of forty-five tons, for the prosecution of his western voyage. The ship-yard was located six miles above the Falls, near the mouth of Cayuga Creek, where the work of shipbuilding was carried on throughout the winter, spring, and early summer. At last the new vessel — the ill-fated Griffin (the first European craft that ever navigated the waters of the upper lakes) — was completed, and on the 7th of August, 1679, the adventurers embarked and sailed into Lake Erie — "where sail was never seen before." They passed on to the westward end of the lake, and up between the green islands of the stream now known as the Detroit River; crossed Lake St. Clair, and entered Lake Huron. In due course, after encountering a furious tempest, they reached Michillimackinac, where was a Jesuit Mission and centre of the fur trade. Passing on into Lake Michigan, La Salle and his company cast anchor in Green Bay. The Griffin was forthwith laden with rich furs, and sent back to Niagara, with orders to turn over the cargo to La Salle's creditors, and return immediately. This is the last item respecting her which history affords. Whether she foundered or was captured by the Jesuits or Indians remains an open question to this day, and no certain tidings of her, subsequent to her departure eastward from Green Bay, ever reached the ears of her commander.

Meanwhile, his creditors, from whom he had purchased his supplies, and with whom he was heavily involved, were selling his effects at Montreal. He himself, with his company in scattered groups, repaired in bark canoes to the head of Lake Michigan; and at the mouth of the St. Joseph he constructed a trading-house with palisades, known as the Fort of the Miamis. Of his vessel, on which his fortunes so much depended, no tidings came. Weary of delay, he resolved to penetrate Illinois; and leaving ten men to guard the Fort of the Miamis, La Salle himself, with Hennepin, Tonty, and about thirty followers, ascended the St. Joseph, and by a short portage over bogs and swamps made dangerous by a snow storm, entered the Kankakee. Descending this narrow stream, before the end of December, 1679, the little company had reached the site of an Indian village on the Illinois, probably not far from Ottoway, in La Salle county. The tribe was absent, passing the winter in the chase. On the banks of Lake Peoria Indians appeared, who, desirous to obtain axes and firearms, offered the calumet of peace, and agreed to an alliance. They described the course of the Mississippi, and they were willing to guide the strangers to its mouth. The spirit and prudence of La Salle, who was the life of the enterprise, won the friendship of the natives. But clouds lowered over his path. The Griffin, it seemed certain, was wrecked, thus delaying his discoveries as well as impairing his fortunes. His men began to despond. He toiled to revive their courage, and assured them that there could be no safety but in union. "None," he added, "shall stay after the spring, unless from choice." But fear and discontent pervaded the company; and when La Salle, thwarted by destiny, and almost despairing, planned and began to build a fort on the banks of the Illinois, four days' journey below Lake Peoria, he named it Crèvecoeur (Heart-break). Yet even here the immense power of his will appeared. Dependent on himself, fifteen hundred miles from the nearest French settlement, impoverished, harassed by enemies at Quebec and in the wilderness, he inspired his men with resolution to saw trees into plank and prepare a barque. He despatched Hennepin to explore the Upper Mississippi; he questioned the Illinois and the captives on the course of that river; he formed conjectures respecting the course of the Tennessee. Then, as new recruits and sails and cordage for the barque were needed, in the month of March, with a musket and pouch of powder and shot, with a blanket for his protection and skins of which to make moccasins, he, with three companions, set off on foot for Fort Frontenac, to trudge through thickets and forests, to wade through marshes and melting snows; without drink, except water from the running brooks; without food, except such precarious supplies as could be provided by his gun. After enduring dangers and hardships which would have effectually damped the ardour of any one but a French adventurer of that time; after narrowly escaping a plot to poison him; after being deserted by some of his followers, and threatened with all sorts of unknown penalties by the savages, he finally, after sixty-five days' journeying, arrived at Fort Frontenac on the 6th of May, 1680. But "man and nature seemed in arms against him." He found that during his absence his agents had plundered him, that his creditors had seized his property, and that several of his canoes, richly laden, had been lost in the rapids of the St. Lawrence. Another vessel which had been despatched with supplies for him from France had also been shipwrecked. Instead of sitting down to mourn over these mishaps, however, they seemed to inspire him with fresh vigour. Descending to Montreal, he in less than a week procured what supplies he needed, and returned to Fort Frontenac. Just as he was about to embark for Illinois, messengers arrived with intelligence that Tonty had been abandoned by his companions, and had been compelled to take shelter with a band of Pottawatomie Indians.

Undiscouraged by the manifold disasters which had befallen him, La Salle once more set out from Fort Frontenac for the regions of the Great West. Instead of following the route by Lake Erie and the Detroit and St. Clair Rivers, as he had previously done, he crossed over to the Georgian Bay by way of the River Humber, which was on the line of one of the three great westward routes in those times. He was accompanied by twenty-five assistants, including his lieutenant, one La Forest, and a surgeon. In due course they reached Michillimackinac, which was then the great north-western dépôt of the fur trade. Here he found that his old enemies the Jesuits had been busy poisoning the minds of the natives against him, insomuch that it was only with difficulty that he could induce the latter to sell him provisions. After a brief delay he resumed his journey, passing numerous camps of the terrible Iroquois, who, tired of devastating the more eastern districts, were now spreading desolation through these western regions. Upon reaching Fort Crèvecoeur he found it deserted, and neither here nor elsewhere, for many days to come, was he able to gain any intelligence of his trusty ally, Tonty, who had been left behind on the former expedition, as already narrated. He continued his course southward, and erelong found himself on the banks of the Mississippi — the mighty Father of Waters, "the object of his day dreams, the destined avenue of his ambition and his hopes." Finding no traces of Tonty, he determined to look for him further northward, and retraced his footsteps to Fort Miami, on the St. Joseph, near Lake Michigan, where he spent the winter. "Here," says Mr. Parkman, "he might have brooded on the redoubled ruin that had befallen him; the desponding friends, the exulting foes; the wasted energies, the crushing load of debt, the stormy past, the black and lowering future. But his mind was of a different temper. He had no thought but to grapple with adversity, and out of the fragments of his ruin to build up the fabric of success. He would not recoil; but he modified his plans to meet the new contingency. His white enemies had found — or rather, perhaps, had made — a savage ally in the Iroquois. Their incursions must be stopped, or his enterprise would come to naught; and he thought he saw the means by which this new danger could be converted into a source of strength. The tribes of the west, threatened by the common enemy, might be taught to forget their mutual animosities and join in a defensive league, with La Salle at its head. They might be colonized around his fort in the valley of the Illinois, where, in the shadow of the French flag, and with the aid of French allies they could hold the Iroquois in check, and acquire in some measure the arts of a settled life. The Franciscan friars could teach them the Faith; La Salle and his associates could supply them with goods, in exchange for the vast harvest of furs which their hunters could gather in these boundless wilds. Meanwhile, he could seek out the mouth of the Mississippi; and the furs gathered at his colony in the Illinois would then find a ready passage to the markets of the world. Thus might this ancient slaughter-field of warring savages be redeemed to civilization and Christianity, and a stable settlement, half feudal, half commercial, grow up in the heart of the western wilderness. This plan was but a part of the original scheme of his enterprise, adapted to new and unexpected circumstances; and he now set himself to its execution with his usual vigour, joined to an address that, when dealing with Indians, never failed him."

In pursuance of this scheme he called a council of all the Indian chiefs for leagues round, and entered into a formal covenant with them. His new project was hopefully begun. It remained to achieve the enterprise, twice defeated, of the discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi. To this end, he must return to Canada, appease his creditors, and collect his scattered resources. Towards the end of May he set out in canoes from Fort Miami, and, after a prosperous voyage, reached Michillimackinac. Here, to his great joy, he found Tonty and one Zenobe Membré, who had lately arrived from Green Bay. Without loss of time, they embarked together for Fort Frontenac, paddled their canoes a thousand miles, and safely reached their destination. Here, in this third beginning of his enterprise, La Salle found himself beset with embarrassments. Not only was he burdened with the fruitless cost of his two former efforts, but the heavy debts which he had incurred in building and maintaining Fort Frontenac had not been wholly paid. The fort and the seigniory were already deeply mortgaged; yet, through the influence of the Count de Frontenac, and the support of a wealthy relative, he found means to appease his creditors, and even to gain fresh advances. He mustered his men, and once more set forth, resolved to trust no more to agents, but to lead on his followers in a united body under his own personal command.

Returning westward, he once more reached Fort Miami, whence, on the 26th of December, 1682, he set out for the mouth of the Mississippi, whither he arrived during the month of April following. "As he drifted down the turbid current, between the low and marshy shores, the brackish water changed to brine, and the breeze grew fresh with the salt breath of the sea. Then the broad bosom of the great Gulf opened on his sight, tossing its restless billows, limitless, voiceless, lonely as when born of chaos, without a sail, without a sign of life." La Salle, in a canoe, coasted the marshy borders of the sea; and then assembled his companions on a spot of dry ground, a short distance above the mouth of the river. In this wild spot, on the ninth of the month, which was the month of April, 1682, he planted a column bearing the arms of France and an inscription to Louis Le Grand. "On that day," says the writer already quoted from, "the realm of France received on parchment a stupendous accession. The fertile plains of Texas; the vast basin of the Mississippi, from its frozen northern springs to the sultry borders of the Gulf, from the woody ridges of the Rocky Mountains — a region of savannahs and forests, sun-cracked deserts and grassy prairies, inhabited by innumerable warlike tribes — passed beneath the sceptre of the Sultan of Versailles; and all by virtue of a feeble human voice, inaudible at half a mile." Louisiana was the name bestowed by La Salle on this new domain of the French crown, which stretched from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains; from the Rio Grande and the Gulf to the farthest springs of the Missouri.

Retracing his steps, he founded on the banks of the Illinois River a colony of French and Indians, to answer the double purpose of a bulwark against the Iroquois and a place of storage for the furs of all the western tribes; and he hoped in the following year to secure an outlet for this colony, and for all the trade of the valley of the Mississippi, by occupying the mouth of that river with a fort and another colony. The site of the colony was near the spot now occupied by the village of Utica, in the State of Illinois. Early in the following autumn he placed Tonty in charge of it, and made the best of his way to Quebec, whence he soon afterwards sailed for France. He had an interview with the King, to whom he unfolded his schemes. Louis, notwithstanding the machinations of La Salle's enemies, took a favourable view of the latter's enterprises, and in the month of July, 1684, we find him setting sail from Rochelle with a fleet of four vessels and a small army of recruits, composed of soldiers, gentlemen, artisans and labourers. Their destination was not Canada, but the Gulf of Mexico; La Salle having obtained the royal authority for a vast scheme of trade and colonization on the Mississippi, to which was tacked on a wild and impracticable scheme of conquest of the Spanish settlements in Mexico. One of the vessels, laden with provisions and other necessaries for the projected colony, was captured by buccaneers. The other three, after calling at St. Domingo, entered the Mexican Gulf. La Salle, when at the mouth of the Mississippi nearly three years before, had taken the latitude, but for some reason or other had no clue to the longitude, and the consequence was that he now sailed more than four hundred miles too far west. He landed on the coast of Texas, and spent some time in exploration before he became convinced of his error. Meanwhile he was constantly quarrelling with Beaujeu, his naval commander, as well as with other members of the expedition. Add to this that he was repeatedly prostrated by attacks of fever, and in constant expectation of being attacked by the savages of the neighbourhood; and it will be confessed that his situation was not a very enviable one. To add to his perplexities, one of his vessels went aground, and a great part of the cargo was lost. About this time Beaujeu set out to return to France. He had accomplished his mission, and landed his passengers at what La Salle assured him to be one of the mouths of the Mississippi. His ship was in danger on this exposed and perilous coast, and he was anxious to find shelter. After some delay, La Salle erected a fort on Lavaca River, in which he placed the women and children and most of the men who formed part of the expedition, and with the rest of the men set out to renew his search for the mouth of the Mississippi. He set out from the fort — which he called Fort St. Louis — with fifty men, on the 31st of October, 1685, to find the mouth of "the fatal river" — by which name it had come to be known among the band of adventurers. Five months were spent in wanderings through the wilds of that region, during which the hardships and sufferings were such as to baffle description, but the object of their quest still seemed as remote as ever. At last, weary and dispirited, the survivors returned to Fort St. Louis, where La Salle fell dangerously ill, and for some time his life was despaired of. No sooner had he recovered than he determined to make his way by the Mississippi and the Illinois to Canada, whence he might bring succour to the colonists, and send a report of their condition to France. The attempt was beset with uncertainties and dangers. The Mississippi was first to be found, then followed through all the perilous monotony of its interminable windings to a goal which was to be but the starting point of a new and not less arduous journey. Twenty men, including La Salle's brother, the Abbé Cavelier, and Moranget, his nephew, were detailed to accompany him. On the 22nd of April, 1686, after mass and prayers in the chapel, they issued from the gate, each bearing his pack and his weapons, some with kettles slung at their backs, some with axes, some with gifts for Indians. In this guise they held their way in silence across the prairie. They travelled north-easterly, and encountered a due share of adventures with wild beasts and Indian savages. They traversed a large extent of country, but the attempt to discover the mouth of the Mississippi proved wholly ineffectual. After several months La Salle and eight of his twenty men returned to Fort St. Louis. Of the rest, four had deserted, one had been lost, one had been devoured by an alligator; and the rest, giving out on the march, had probably perished in attempting to regain the fort.

The journey to Canada, however, was clearly the only hope of the colonists, and on the 6th of January, 1687, the attempt to make it was renewed. The band of adventurers this time consisted of eighteen persons. At their head was La Salle himself. His brother and nephew, already mentioned, were also of the party. Of the others the only ones necessary to specify are Joutel, La Salle's trusty henchman, the second in command; Hiens, a German, formerly a pirate of the Spanish Main; Duhaut, a man of respectable birth and education, but a cruel and remorseless villain; and l'Archévêque, his servant; Liotot, the surgeon of the expedition; Teissier, a pilot; Douay, a friar; and Nika, a Shawnee Indian, who was a devoted friend of La Salle's. They proceeded northward. The members of the party were incongruous, and did not agree one with another. Duhaut and Liotot were disappointed at the ruinous result of their enterprise. They had a quarrel with young Moranget. Already at Fort St. Louis Duhaut had intrigued against La Salle, against whom Liotot had also secretly sworn vengeance. On the 15th of March they encamped within a few miles of a spot which La Salle had passed on his preceding journey, and where he had left a quantity of Indian corn and beans in a caçhe. As provisions were falling short he sent a party from the camp to find it. These men were Duhaut, Liotot, Hiens the buccaneer, Teissier, l'Archévêque, Nika the hunter, and La Salle's servant, Saget. They opened the caçhe, and found the contents spoiled; but as they returned they saw buffalo, and Nika shot two of them. They now encamped on the spot, and sent the servant to inform La Salle, in order that he might send horses to bring in the meat. Accordingly, on the next day he directed Moranget and another, with the necessary horses, to go with Saget to the hunters' camp. When they arrived they found that Duhaut and his companions had already cut up the meat, and laid it upon scaffolds for smoking, and had also put by for themselves certain portions to which, by woodland custom, they had a perfect right. Moranget fell into an unreasonable fit of rage, and seized the whole of the meat. This added fuel to the fire of Duhaut's old grudge against Moranget and his uncle. The surgeon also bore hatred against Moranget. The two took counsel apart with Hiens, Teissier, and l'Archévêque, and it was resolved to kill Moranget, Nika and Saget. All the five were of one mind, except the pilot Teissier, who neither aided nor opposed the scheme. When night came on, the order of the guard was arranged; and the first hour was assigned to Moranget, the second to Saget, and the third to Nika. Gun in hand, each stood watch in turn. Duhaut and Hiens stood with their guns cocked, ready to shoot down any one of the victims who should resist. Saget, Nika and Moranget were ruthlessly butchered, and then it was resolved that La Salle should share their fate. La Salle was still at his camp, six miles distant. Next morning, having heard nothing of Moranget or the others, he set out to find them, accompanied by his Indian guide, and by Douay, the friar. "All the way," writes the friar, "he spoke to me of nothing but matters of piety, grace, and predestination; enlarging on the debt he owed to God, who had saved him from so many perils during more than twenty years of travel in America. Suddenly, I saw him overwhelmed with a profound sadness, for which he himself could not account. He was so much moved that I scarcely knew him." He soon recovered his usual calmness, and they walked on till they approached the camp of Duhaut, on the farther side of a small river. Looking about him, La Salle saw two eagles circling in the air, as if attracted by the carcasses of beasts or men. He fired his gun and his pistol as a summons. The shots reached the ears of the conspirators, who fired from their place of concealment, and La Salle, shot through the brain, sank lifeless on the ground. Douay stood terror-stricken. Duhaut called out to him that he had nothing to fear. The murderers came forward and gathered about their victim. "There thou liest, great Bashaw! There thou liest!" exclaimed the surgeon Liotot, in base exultation over the unconscious corpse. With mockery and insult, they stripped it naked, dragged it into the bushes, and left it there a prey to the buzzards and the wolves. It is sad to think that such was the fate of the veritable Discoverer of the Great West.

"Thus," says Mr. Parkman, "in the vigour of his manhood, at the age of forty-three, died Robert Cavelier de la Salle, 'one of the greatest men,' writes Tonty, 'of this age;' without question one of the most remarkable explorers whose names live in history. The enthusiasm of the disinterested and chivalrous Champlain was not the enthusiasm of La Salle; nor had he any part in the self-devoted zeal of the early Jesuit explorers. He belonged not to the age of the knight-errant and the saint, but to the modern world of practical study and action. He was the hero, not of a principle nor of a faith, but simply of a fixed idea and a determined purpose. It is easy to reckon up his defects, but it is not easy to hide from sight the Roman virtues that redeemed them. Beset by a throng of enemies, he stands, like the King of Israel, head and shoulders above them all. He was a tower of adamant, against whose impregnable front hardship and danger, the rage of man and of the elements, the southern sun, the northern blast, fatigue, famine and disease, delay, disappointment and deferred hope, emptied their quivers in vain. Never under the impenetrable mail of paladin or crusader beat a heart of more intrepid mettle than within the stoic panoply that armed the breast of La Salle. To estimate aright the marvels of his patient fortitude, one must follow on his track through the vast scene of his interminable journeyings, those thousands of weary miles of forest, marsh and river, where again and again, in the bitterness of baffled striving, the untiring pilgrim pushed onwards towards the goal which he was never to attain. America owes him an enduring memory; for in this masculine figure she sees the pioneer who guided her to the possession of her richest heritage."

THE RIGHT REV. JAMES W. WILLIAMS, D.D.,

BISHOP OF QUEBEC

Bishop Williams is a son of the late Rev. David Williams, who was for many years Rector of Banghurst, Hampshire, England. He was born at the town of Overton, Hampshire, in 1825, and his childhood was chiefly passed in that neighbourhood. He was intended for holy orders from his earliest years. In his boyhood he attended for some time at an educational establishment at Crewkerne, a town in the south-eastern part of Somersetshire, whence he passed to Pembroke College, Oxford. His collegiate course was not specially noteworthy, but was marked by considerable diligence. He graduated as B.A. in 1851, taking honours in classics. He in due course obtained his degrees of M.A. and D.D. He was admitted to Deacon's Orders by the Lord Bishop of Oxford, and (in 1856) to Priest's Orders by the Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells. He for a short time held curacies respectively in Buckinghamshire and Somersetshire. His classical attainments were of more than average excellence, and seeing no prospect of immediate advancement in England, he in 1857 came over to Canada to assist in organizing a school in connection with Bishop's College, Lennoxville. Within a short time after his arrival he was appointed Rector of the College Grammar School, and soon afterwards succeeded to the Classical Professorship of the College, a position which he retained until his elevation to the Episcopacy.

Upon the death of the late Right Rev. George Jehoshaphat Mountain, Bishop of Quebec, in 1863, the subject of this sketch was appointed his successor by the Synod; and on the 11th of June of that year he was consecrated at Quebec by the Most Reverend the Metropolitan, assisted by the Bishops of Toronto, Ontario, Huron and Vermont. His first Episcopal act was to advance three Deacons to the Priesthood.

The See over which his jurisdiction extends was constituted in the year 1793, and formerly comprised the whole of Upper and Lower Canada. Its extent has since been from time to time curtailed, and it is now confined to that part of the Province of Quebec extending from Three Rivers to the Straits of Belleisle and New Brunswick, on the shores of the St. Lawrence and all east of a line drawn from Three Rivers to Lake Memphremagog.

Bishop Williams is a plain and unaffected preacher, and a man of scholarly tastes. He makes no pretence to showy or splendid gifts of pulpit oratory, but is known as an energetic and industrious ecclesiastic, careful for the spiritual welfare of his diocese and clergy. Several of his lectures and sermons have been published, and have been highly commended by the religious press of Canada and the United States. Among them may be mentioned his Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Quebec, at the Visitation held in Bishop's College, Lennoxville, in 1864; and a lecture on Self-Education, published at Quebec in 1865.

LIEUT. — COL. CASIMIR STANISLAUS GZOWSKI,

AIDE-DE-CAMP TO HER MAJESTY QUEEN VICTORIA

In compiling the various sketches which have appeared in the present series, the editor has frequently been compelled to encounter the difficulty of constructing a readable narrative out of very sparse and prosaic materials. A collection of this kind must necessarily include the lives of many professional and scientific men; and eminence in literature, in science, and in the learned professions, is commonly attained by means which — however interesting to those most immediately concerned — seem wonderfully commonplace to the general public, when reduced to plain, matter-of-fact narration. As a rule, stirring and romantic incidents are incompatible with a successful professional career, and in recounting the life of a learned divine, Chief Justice, or man of science, it is rarely necessary to deal with thrilling incidents or dramatic situations. The lives of such men are usually passed within a narrow and restricted groove, and the salient points may easily be comprised within a few lines. In the life of Colonel Gzowski, on the other hand, we have an instance of a remarkably successful professional career, combined with a chapter of vicissitude and adventure which, in the hands of a writer familiar with all the details, might very well form the groundwork of a sensation novel. His elasticity of spirits, strength of will, and vigour of constitution have supported him through an amount of labour, fatigue and suffering to which a more feeble mind and a more delicately-constructed frame must inevitably have succumbed long ago. Such a life as his commonly leaves very perceptible traces behind it. In his case no such traces are discernible. Neither in his visage, his gait, nor his manner, can the most observant eye detect any sign that his pathway has not always been strewn with roses. No one remarking his erect and firmly-knit figure, his jauntiness of step, and his keenness of glance, as he perambulates our streets, would readily believe that he is rapidly approaching his sixty-eighth birthday. Still less would it be supposed that he has passed through adventures enough for a knight-errant; that he has fought and bled in the fierce struggle for a nation's existence; that he has had his full share of the horrors of war; that he has languished in a patriot's prison; and that some of the best years of his life were passed in a hard struggle for existence in a foreign land. As we pass in review the alternating phases of his chequered career we seem to be contemplating a shifting panorama of the novelist's fancy, rather than a veracious chronicle of facts. The story of his life can be adequately narrated by no other pen than his own, and for many years past he has found more profitable employment for his talents than the inditing of autobiographical memoirs. In the absence of any such memoirs, be it ours to place on record such of the more salient points of his life as are readily ascertainable.

He is descended from an ancient Polish family which was ennobled in the sixteenth century, and which for more than two hundred years thereafter continued to exercise an influence upon the national affairs. His father, Stanislaus, Count (Hrabia) Gzowski, was an officer of the Imperial Guard. He himself was born on the 5th of March, 1813, at St. Petersburg, the Russian capital, where his parents were then temporarily sojourning. His childhood was spent as the childhood of most Polish children of his station in life was passed in those days — viz., in preparation for a military career. At nine years of age he entered a military engineering college at Kremenetz, in the Province of Volhynia, where he remained until 1830, when he graduated as an engineer, received a commission, and entered the army of Russia.

The Russian Empire was at this time on the verge of one of those periodical insurrections to which she had long been subject, more especially since the final partition and absorption of Poland, and the annihilation of the Polish monarchy. In 1825, Nicholas I. succeeded his elder brother Alexander on the throne of Russia. He had not long been installed there before he gave evidence of that aggressive policy which he pursued through life, and which nearly thirty years later involved him in the Crimean War. Some years before his accession, his elder brother Constantine, the heir-apparent to the throne, had been entrusted with the military government of Poland, and in 1822 had resigned his right to the Russian throne in Nicholas's favour. Upon the latter's accession he continued his elder brother in his sovereignty of Poland. Constantine's administration of affairs in that unhappy country was arbitrary and despotic in the extreme, and little calculated to mollify the heartburnings of the inhabitants. His oppressions were not confined to the serfs, but extended to the nobility. The result of his tyranny was the formation of secret societies with a view to striking one more blow for Polish liberty. A widespread insurrection, wherein most of the Polish officers in the Imperial army were involved, finally broke out in 1830 — the year in which the subject of this sketch received his commission. The success of the concurrent revolution in France, and the forced abdication of Charles X., inspired the insurgents with high hopes. In November of the year last mentioned the Grand Duke Constantine and his Russian adherents were driven out of Warsaw, the Polish capital. If the insurrectionary forces had been thoroughly organized, and if they had not been subjected to extraneous interference, there is reason for believing that their country might have been freed from the hateful domination of the Czar. Notwithstanding all the manifold disabilities under which they carried on the contest, they achieved a temporary success. After the expulsion of Constantine, a provisional government was formed under the presidency of Prince Czartoryski, and a series of desperate engagements was fought in which the patriots had in almost every instance a decided advantage. Their desperate courage and self-devotion, however, were of no permanent avail, for Prussia and Austria both lent their assistance to crush them, and towards the close of 1831 Warsaw was recaptured by the allied forces under Count Paskevitch, who was forthwith installed as viceroy of Poland. The crushing of the insurrection was of course marked by merciless severity and cruelty. In 1832 Poland was declared to be an integral part of the Russian Empire, and all the important prisoners were either put to death, banished to Siberia, or compelled to endure the horrors of a Russian prison.

Throughout the whole of this fruitless insurrection Casimir Stanislaus Gzowski played a conspicuous part. He cast in his lot with his compatriots from the beginning; was present at the expulsion of Constantine from Warsaw, in November, 1830, and was actively engaged in numerous important conflicts that ensued. He was wounded, and several times narrowly escaped capture. We have no means of closely following him through the hazardous exploits of that dark and sanguinary period. Persons who are familiar with the history of Polish insurrections will be at no loss to conjecture the "hair-breadth 'scapes, and moving accidents by flood and field," which he encountered in that desperate struggle for a nation's freedom. After the battle of Boremel, General Dwernicki's division, to which he was attached, retreated into Austrian territory, where the troops laid down their arms and became prisoners. The rank and file were permitted to depart whithersoever they would, but the officers, to the number of about six hundred, were placed in durance, and quartered in several fortified stations. There they languished for several months, when, by an arrangement entered into between the governments of Russia and Austria, they were shipped off as exiles to the United States.

When Mr. Gzowski, with his fellow-exiles, landed at New York in the summer of 1833, he had no knowledge whatever of the English language. When the pilot came on board at Sandy Hook, and saluted the captain of the vessel, he heard that language spoken for the first time. Like most members of the Polish and Russian aristocracy, he was an accomplished linguist, and was familiar with many of the continental languages; but it was a part of the Russian policy in those days to exclude English books from the public schools, and to prevent by every conceivable means the spread of English ideas among the people. During his course of study at the military college at Kremenetz, one of the Professors had exhibited an English book to him as a sort of outlandish curiosity. He now found himself in a strange land, without means, without any friends except his fellow-exiles — who were as helpless in that respect as himself — and without any prospect of obtaining employment. He possessed qualifications, however, which, as the event proved, were of more value than mere worldly wealth. He had been a diligent student, and had acquired what must have been, for a youth of twenty years, a thorough knowledge of engineering. He was, as has been remarked, a good linguist, and had not merely a grammatical, but a practical knowledge of the French, German and Italian languages. Better than all these, he was endowed with an iron constitution, which even the rigours of an Austrian prison had not been able to injure, and a strength of will which would not admit the possibility of failure. Some idea of his resolution may be formed from the fact that, when he found that his want of knowledge of English prevented him from following the engineering profession with advantage, he determined to study law as a means of acquiring a mastery of the English tongue. After subsisting for some months in New York by giving lessons in French and German, he betook himself to Pittsfield, Massachusetts, where he entered the office of the late Mr. Parker L. Hall, an eminent lawyer of that town, and a gentleman of high social position. The facility displayed by the natives of Poland and Russia in acquiring a knowledge of foreign languages is well known, but the achievements of Mr. Gzowski at this time seem almost phenomenal. It must be borne in mind that while he was studying law in a tongue which was foreign to him, he was compelled to support himself by outside employment. He obtained his livelihood by teaching modern languages, drawing, and fencing, in two of the local academies. He worked early and late, and was at first obliged to study the commentaries of Blackstone and Kent through the medium of a dictionary. In nothing did he appear to greater advantage than in his invariable readiness to adapt his mind, without useless repining, to the circumstances in which he found himself. His indomitable industry, natural ability, and fine social qualities, combined with his misfortunes to make him a marked man in Pittsfield society. He gained many warm friends, but was always wise enough to remember that his success in life must mainly depend upon his own exertions. In the month of February, 1837, when he had been studying his profession about three years, he passed a successful examination, and was only prevented from being admitted to practice by his not having become a naturalized citizen of the United States. A knowledge of the legal profession, however, was with him merely a means to an end. He had no intention of permanently devoting himself to legal practice, and had always contemplated returning to his profession of an engineer. He had by this time acquired a competent knowledge of the English language, and had begun to look about him for some suitable field for his exertions. The development of the coal regions of Pennsylvania was attracting a good deal of attention at this time, and it occurred to him that he might not improbably find employment there. A visit to that State tended to confirm his views, and in November Term, 1837, having submitted the necessary proofs, and taken the oath of allegiance, he was duly admitted as a citizen of the United States, before the Prothonotary of the Court of Common Pleas, in Beaver County, Pennsylvania. He had brought with him from Pittsfield numerous letters of introduction to persons of high social position and influence, all bearing testimony to his unimpeachable character and wide attainments. The only obstacle to his admission to practice having been removed, he was enrolled as an advocate at the Bar of the Supreme Court, and for a short time acted as an advocate in Pennsylvania. This, however, was not the line of action for which he considered himself best qualified, nor did the prospect held out to him satisfy his ambition. He soon obtained employment as an engineer in connection with the great canals and public works, and abandoned the law as a profession. He became interested in several contracts, which were faithfully and skilfully carried out; and wherever he went he won the reputation of a delightful companion and a thoroughly honourable man.

Early in 1841 the project of widening and deepening the Welland Canal began to be discussed with some vehemence in Upper Canada. With a view to securing a contract, Mr. Gzowski came over from Erie, Pennsylvania (where he then resided), to Toronto, and for the first time was brought into contact with some of the leading public men of Canada. The Government was then administered by Sir Charles Bagot, a gentleman whose infirm state of health did not prevent him from taking a warm interest in the public improvements of the country. Sir Charles formed a high opinion of Mr. Gzowski's talents, and sanctioned his appointment to an office in connection with the Department of Public Works. This appointment having been accepted by Mr. Gzowski, he bade adieu to his many friends in the United States, and took up his abode in Upper Canada.

During the next six years Mr. Gzowski's life was entirely occupied by his duties in connection with the Department of Public Works. It is manifestly out of the question to give even an epitome of the numberless important enterprises conducted by him during this, the busiest period of his active life. His reports of the works in connection with harbours, bridges and highways alone occupy a considerable portion of a large folio volume. It will be sufficient to say that every important provincial improvement came under his supervision, and that nearly every county in Upper Canada bears upon its surface the impress of his great industry and engineering skill. In 1846 he obtained naturalization and became a British subject. Soon after the accession to power of the Baldwin-Lafontaine Government, in 1848, his services in an official capacity were brought to a close, and he began to enter upon large engineering enterprises on his own account. Towards the end of the year 1848 he published a report on the mines of the Upper Canada Mining Company on Lake Huron. But his mind was occupied by more important schemes. The railway era set in. The Railroad Guarantee Act, authorizing Government grants to private companies undertaking the construction of railways, having been passed in 1849, the public began to hear of various railway projects of greater or lesser importance. The first great enterprise of this sort with which Mr. Gzowski connected himself was the St. Lawrence and Atlantic Railroad Company, from Montreal to Island Pond, which has since been amalgamated with the Grand Trunk. Mr. Gzowski was appointed Chief Engineer of this undertaking, made a survey of the greater portion of the line, and superintended the actual construction. When the line became merged in the Grand Trunk he resigned his position of Chief Engineer, and received the most gratifying written testimonials from the Board of Directors as to his able administration of the important duties which had fallen to his share. Having formed a partnership with the present Sir Alexander T. Galt, the late Hon. Luther H. Holton, and the Hon. D. L. Macpherson, Mr. Gzowski for some years devoted himself entirely to the work of railway construction. On the 24th of March, 1853, the firm of Gzowski & Co. obtained the contract for the construction of the line from Toronto westward to Sarnia. This great work was prosecuted to a successful conclusion, and was attended with most gratifying pecuniary results to the contractors. The firm was then dissolved, and has since consisted of Messrs. Gzowski and Macpherson only, who continued to carry on large operations in the way of railway construction. Among other railway works constructed by the firm were the line from Port Huron to Detroit, in the State of Michigan, and the line from London to St. Mary's, in this Province. In connection with their own enterprises, and for the purpose of supplying railway companies with iron rails and materials used in the construction of railways, Messrs. Gzowski & Macpherson in 1857 established the Toronto Rolling Mills, which were carried on successfully for about twelve years. Steel rails having largely superseded the use of iron ones, the necessity for maintaining the establishment ceased to exist, and the works were closed up in 1869.

The excitement produced on two continents in 1861 by the Trent affair, and the threatened rupture of amicable relations between Great Britain and the United States, led Mr. Gzowski to reflect seriously on the defenceless condition of Canada. In the event of hostilities between the two nations, this country would of course be the first point of attack; and, in the absence of any efficient means of defence, it would manifestly be impossible to maintain a frontier extending over thousands of miles. It occurred to Mr. Gzowski that the establishment of a large arsenal in Canadian territory, where every description of armament and ammunition might be manufactured or repaired, would be a very wise precaution. He counted the cost, prepared elaborate plans, and even fixed upon what he believed to be the most appropriate site. Full of this scheme, he proceeded to England, where he submitted it to the War Secretary and other prominent members of the Imperial Government. Its liberality created much surprise among all to whom it was broached, for Mr. Gzowski proposed to provide capital for the construction and equipment of the entire establishment, subject to certain very reasonable stipulations. The project was taken into careful consideration by the Government, and for some time it seemed not unlikely to be carried out. It was finally concluded, however, that for certain diplomatic reasons, it would be undesirable to proceed with it; but full justice was done to Mr. Gzowski's unbounded liberality and public spirit, and he was assured that the Government were not insensible to the munificence of his proposal. From this time forward he began to interest himself in military matters. He took a very active part in developing the Rifle Association of the Province of Ontario, and erelong became its President. He subsequently became President of the Dominion Rifle Association, and was instrumental in sending the first team of representative Canadian riflemen from this Province to England in 1870, to take part in the annual military operations at Wimbledon. A team has ever since been sent over annually by the Dominion, and Mr. Gzowski has generally made a point of accompanying them himself. In November, 1872, as a mark of appreciation of his services in connection with the development of the Rifle Association, he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of the Central Division of Toronto Volunteers; and in May, 1873, became a Lieutenant-Colonel on the staff. His last and highest promotion came to him in May, 1879, when he was appointed Aide-de-Camp to Her Majesty Queen Victoria.

For many years past Colonel Gzowski has been the possessor of large means, acquired by his own industry and talents, and sufficient to enable him to indulge in a dignified repose for the remainder of his life. He is, however, possessed of a stirring nervousness of temperament which impels him to action, and has never ceased to engage in engineering projects of greater or less magnitude. This sketch would be very incomplete without some reference to an enterprise which is entitled to rank among the grandest public works of the Dominion; viz., the International Bridge over the Niagara River at Buffalo. The charters for the construction of this great enterprise were granted by the Legislature of Canada and the State of New York as far back as the year 1857, but were permitted to lie dormant owing to the difficulty of obtaining the funds necessary to carrying out so gigantic a project. The capital was at last raised in England in 1870, and the contract was let to Colonel Gzowski and his partner, the Hon. D. L. Macpherson, who forthwith began the work of construction. The engineering difficulties to be encountered were very great, and at certain seasons of the year the work had to be totally suspended. The bridge was finally completed and opened for the passage of trains on the 3rd of November, 1873, and the entire cost of construction was about $1,500,000. It stands as a perpetual memorial of the great skill and enterprise of the contractors. After its completion Colonel Gzowski wrote and published a full account of the enterprise from its inception, accompanied by elaborate plans and illustrations. Sir Charles Hartley, in a work published in England in 1875, bears testimony to the fact that "the chief credit in overcoming the extraordinary difficulties which beset the building of the piers of this bridge is due to Colonel Gzowski, upon whom all the practical operations devolved." A still higher testimony comes from Mr. Thomas Elliott Harrison, President of the (British) Institute of Civil Engineers, who, in an annual address read before the Institute on his election to the Presidency in the session of 1873-4, referred to the International Bridge as one of the most gigantic engineering works on the American continent, and made a special reference to the difficulties met with in subaqueous foundations, as described in Colonel Gzowski's volume.

Colonel Gzowski's career in Canada has been one of extraordinary success, but any one who has watched its progress will admit that his success has been chiefly due to his high personal qualifications. In politics he has acted with the Conservative Party, but he is known for the moderation of his views, and has never identified himself with any of the purely party factions of the time. Though frequently importuned to enter public life he has hitherto refrained from doing so, preferring to confine his attention to professional and financial enterprises. He has a luxurious home in Toronto, where he occasionally dispenses a sumptuous hospitality, and where he appears perhaps to greater advantage than elsewhere. He has entertained most of the Governors-General of his time, all of whom have been numbered among his personal friends. Of late years much of his leisure has been passed in England, where several of his children reside, and where he has many warm friends. He has been honoured with special marks of the royal favour, and might doubtless, if so disposed, aspire to high dignities. Her Majesty has not a more loyal subject than Colonel Gzowski, and should occasion arise he would, we doubt not, buckle on his sword in defence of British and Canadian rights no less readily than he embarked his all, half a century ago, on behalf of the nation to which he belongs by right of birth.

On the 29th of October, 1839, he married Miss Maria Beebe, daughter of an eminent American physician. This lady, by whom he has had five sons and three daughters, still survives.

THEODORE HARDING RAND, A.M., D.C.L

Dr. Rand, who has long been one of the foremost educationists in the Maritime Provinces, was born at the seaport town of Cornwallis, situated on an arm of the Basin of Minas, King's County, Nova Scotia, in the year 1835. His life has been passed in educational pursuits, and affords but few incidents for biographical purposes. His boyhood and early youth were spent in attending the common schools, whence he passed to the Horton Collegiate Academy. After spending some time as a student at the last-named seat of learning he became a teacher there. He also entered the University of Acadia College, where he graduated in the honours course in 1860. During the same year he was appointed to the Chair of English and Classics in the Provincial Normal School at Truro, where he distinguished himself by his enthusiastic devotion to his work, and by his intelligence, aptitude and zeal in developing the best methods of instruction. In 1863 he received his Master's degree from the University of Acadia College. His Doctor's degree is honorary, and was conferred upon him by the same institution in 1874.

Upon the passing of the Educational Act of 1864, the subject of this sketch was selected by the Government of the day for the position of Provincial Superintendent of Education. Upon him accordingly devolved the task of putting the new law into operation. The Act of 1864 was one of the most important measures, bearing on the moral and material interests of the Province, that was ever introduced there. "It struck at the very root of most of the evils which tend to depress the intellectual energies and moral status of the people. It introduced the genial light of knowledge into the dark recesses of ignorance, opened the minds of thousands of little ones — the fathers and mothers of coming generations — to a perception of the true and the beautiful, and placed Nova Scotia in the front rank of countries renowned for common school educational advantages."⁹ Previous to the time when it came into operation the school system of the Province was pitiably inefficient. Its inefficiency was startlingly demonstrated by the census of 1861, from which it appeared that more than one-fourth of the entire population of the Province were unable to read. Of 83,000 children between the ages of five and fifteen, there were 36,000 who were unable to read. A large majority of the children in the Province did not attend school, and did not receive any educational training whatever. Teachers were poorly paid and inefficient. The schoolhouses were frequently unhealthy, and were almost always uncomfortable and unsightly. To Dr. — now Sir Charles — Tupper, belongs in great measure the credit of having brought about a more satisfactory state of things. It was by his Ministry that the Educational Act of 1864 was passed, and he himself, though well aware that he seriously risked his popularity by promoting it — for it introduced direct taxation — repeatedly declared that even if it should cost him place and power he would regard its introduction as the crowning act of his public life. After some negotiation between himself and Messrs. Archibald and Annand, the leading members of the Opposition, it was agreed that party differences should for the nonce be laid aside, and that the Education Act should become law.

Such was the state of affairs at the time when Mr. Rand was appointed to the office of Superintendent of Education. For some time his task was no light one, for the law was unpopular among the masses, who abhorred the idea of direct taxation. He applied himself to his duties with great energy, and travelled the Province from end to end, disputing, arguing, and finally convincing. He found, however, that some clauses of the Act were impracticable, and others unnecessary. He prepared a measure which formed the basis of the amended Act of 1865. His energy and vigour carried all before them, and he soon had the satisfaction of seeing opposition disappear. A Journal of Education was established, a new and uniform series of school books was introduced, and commodious schoolhouses were erected. A system of examination and of grading was introduced by Mr. Rand, and his plan was so well thought of that its main features have been adopted in other Provinces of the Dominion.

He continued to fill the position of Superintendent of Education in Nova Scotia during five and a half busy years. In 1870 he was removed from office "apparently for political reasons, and under circumstances which created a great deal of dissatisfaction at the time amongst the friends of education in the Province." After his retirement he proceeded to Great Britain, chiefly with a view to acquiring additional knowledge on educational matters, and to familiarizing himself by observation with the practical working of the English school system. During his absence he visited many important schools in England, Scotland and Ireland, and had conferences with some of the leading educationists of the realm.

In 1871 the New Brunswick Legislature passed an Act, to come into operation on the 1st of January, 1872, introducing the Free School system into that Province. The provisions of this Act were very similar to those of the Nova Scotia measure, and Mr. Rand's success in introducing the system into the adjoining Province had been such that it was deemed desirable to secure his services in New Brunswick. In September, 1871, three months before the Act came into force, he was offered the position of Chief Superintendent of Education for New Brunswick by the Government of the day. He accepted, and entered upon his duties with his accustomed energy. He has ever since filled the position, and persons who are entitled to speak with authority aver that he has done for education in New Brunswick all, and more than all, that he had previously accomplished for education in Nova Scotia. He now enjoys the distinction of having brought into operation in two Provinces an enduring and efficient system of public education.

He is President of the Educational Institute of New Brunswick, and a member of the Senate of the Provincial University. The Baptist Convention of the Maritime Provinces (of which, in 1875-6, he was President) elected him in 1877 one of the Governors of the University of Acadia College. His time is entirely devoted to his educational duties, and he has reason for self-gratulation at the satisfactory results which have attended his efforts in the two Provinces which have been the scene of his labours.

THE HON. MATTHEW CROOKS CAMERON

Mr. Cameron was for many years the best-known Nisi Prius lawyer at the Bar of his native Province, and his personal appearance is familiar to a greater number of persons than is that of any professional man in western Canada. For some years prior to his elevation to the Bench he was also prominent in political life, but it was at the Bar that his greenest laurels were won, and it is by his professional achievements that he will be longest remembered. He was born at Dundas, in the county of Wentworth, on the 2nd of October, 1822. His father, the late Mr. John McAlpin Cameron, was, as his name imports, of Celtic stock. The latter emigrated from the Highlands of Scotland to Upper Canada in 1819, and settled at Dundas, where he engaged in commercial pursuits. In 1826 he became Deputy Clerk of the Crown for the Gore District, and removed to Hamilton. He subsequently entered the service of the Canada Company, and remained in it for many years. He died at his home in Toronto, at an advanced age, in 1866. His wife, the mother of the subject of this sketch, was English. She was a native of the county of Northumberland, and her maiden name was Miss Nancy Foy. She died in Toronto many years ago.

The subject of this sketch was the youngest of his family, and was the only member of it born on this side of the Atlantic. He was named after Mr. Matthew Crooks, of Ancaster, a brother of the Hon. James Crooks, and an uncle of the present Minister of Education. At the time of the removal of the family from Dundas to Hamilton he was about four years of age; and he soon afterwards began to attend his first school, which was a small local establishment presided over by a Mr. Randall. Later, he was placed at the Home District Grammar School, on the corner of Newgate and New Streets — now Adelaide and Jarvis Streets — Toronto, where many boys who subsequently became distinguished in Canadian public life received their early training. In 1838 he entered Upper Canada College, where he remained nearly two years. His educational career was cut short in 1840 by an accident which was destined to affect the whole course of his future life. One day, while out shooting with two of his schoolfellows in the neighbourhood of Toronto, one of the latter, who does not seem to have been a very skilful marksman, carelessly fired off his gun at an inopportune moment, and young Cameron received the charge in his ankle, part of the joint of which was completely blown away. He was conveyed home, and was confined to his room for months. It was out of the question that he should ever recover the perfect use of his disabled ankle, and it was announced to him that he must never hope to walk again without the assistance of a crutch. It must have been a cruel blow to him, for he was a boy of joyous nature, full of activity and life, and by no means given to injuring his health by close application to his studies. From this time forward his habits and train of thought underwent a change. There were no more frivolity and thoughtlessness, no more shooting expeditions, no more of the active sports and pastimes of happy boyhood. Life, thenceforward, was to be contemplated from its serious side. He did not return to college. His choice of the legal profession was largely due to the fact that his two elder brothers, John and Duncan, had already embraced that calling. He entered the office of Messrs. Gamble & Boulton, barristers, of Toronto, and served the term of his articles there. He studied with much diligence, and gave evidence of great aptitude for his chosen profession. In Trinity Term, 1848, he was admitted as an attorney and solicitor, and in Hilary Term of 1849 he was called to the Bar.

He at once began to go on circuit, and he had not been many months at the Bar before he was in the very front rank. When it is borne in mind that his competitors were such men as Henry Eccles, John Hillyard Cameron, Philip Vankoughnet, and the present Mr. Justice Hagarty, it will be admitted that a young man who could hold his own against such rivals must have possessed exceptional abilities. Mr. Cameron's most salient qualifications consisted of a competent knowledge of his profession, a subtle power of analyzing evidence, a ready command of language, an impressive utterance and delivery, and — more than all — a manner which was open and confidential without being familiar, and which to most jurymen was suggestive of honest conviction. Though of somewhat contracted physique, he contrived to get through an amount of work which few men endowed with greater robustness of frame could have accomplished. His popularity grew apace, and erelong his practice was second to that of no man at the Bar of this Province. His popularity and practice were not confined to any particular neighbourhood, but extended throughout the whole of western Canada; and the only two counties in which he has not held briefs are the counties of Lanark and Renfrew. His briefs embraced every variety of pleading, civil and criminal. In all sorts of cases, and with all classes of jurors, he was thoroughly at home, and his efforts were generally crowned with that best proof of ability — success.

At the outset of his career at the Bar he was perhaps more assiduous in his attendance at assizes in the Gore District than elsewhere, as his brother John practised his profession in Hamilton — and afterwards in Brantford — and was able to throw a good many briefs in his way. As the years passed by, the question became, not how to obtain briefs, but how to get through the labour they imposed. Mr. Cameron, however, is not only endowed with great capacity for hard work, but has a genuine liking for it. His exceeding quickness of perception and apprehension was very often displayed during his career at the Bar, and it was said of him that he could acquire a more accurate knowledge of his case after it had been opened than most of his competitors could obtain by a week's preparation.

Soon after completing his legal studies Mr. Cameron formed a partnership with his former principal, the late Mr. William Henry Boulton. Several years later he entered into partnership with the Hon. William Cayley, who held the portfolio of Minister of Finance in the Government formed under the auspices of Sir Allan Macnab in 1854. Mr. — now Dr. — Daniel McMichael was subsequently admitted, and the firm of Messrs. Cayley, Cameron & McMichael long had a business second to that of no firm in the Province. The partnership subsequently underwent various modifications, but its members have always maintained its position as one of the leading legal firms in Toronto.

The first ten years of his legal career were devoted by Mr. Cameron almost exclusively to his profession. He then began to take part in municipal affairs. In 1859 he represented St. James's Ward in the Toronto City Council. In January, 1861, he was an unsuccessful candidate for the mayoralty. He was possessed of strong political convictions, and was frequently importuned to enter Parliament. He was a very pronounced Conservative in his views, as his father before him had been, and at the general election of 1861 he offered himself to the electors of North Ontario as a candidate for a seat in the Assembly. He secured his return, and sat in the House until the general election of 1863, when, upon presenting himself to his constituents for reëlection he was defeated. A vacancy occurring in the representation for North Ontario in the summer of 1864, he once more offered himself as a candidate, and was on this occasion returned. He continued to represent North Ontario in the Assembly until Confederation, when he was unsuccessful in his attempt to secure his return for the House of Commons. He accordingly accepted office in the Sandfield Macdonald Coalition Administration in Ontario, and was returned for East Toronto, in which constituency he resides, and which he continued to represent in the Local Legislature until the close of his Parliamentary career. He held the offices of Provincial Secretary and Registrar from July, 1867, until the 25th of July, 1871, when he became Commissioner of Crown Lands. The latter office he held until the fall of the Government in the following December, in consequence of the adverse vote of the House on the railroad subsidy question. Upon the formation of a new Government under the premiership of the Hon. Edward Blake, Mr. Cameron became leader of the Opposition, and continued to act in that capacity for a period of four years. His Parliamentary career was marked by sterling honour and integrity, and by inflexible devotion to his Party. Mr. Cameron is one of the few men who have taken a very prominent part in public life in this country during the last few years, and yet have escaped charges of political corruption and dishonesty. No man in Canada believes him to be capable of a corrupt or dishonest act, for the advancement either of his own interests or those of his Party. It must be confessed, however, that he was not seen at his best on the floor of Parliament. Some of his political ideas are widely at variance with prevailing tendencies, and some of his Parliamentary utterances had an unmistakable flavour of the lamp. The Halls of the Legislature were not a thoroughly congenial sphere for him, and the full measure of his strength was seldom or never put forward there. He was sometimes commonplace, and sometimes carping and fretful. Before a jury, on the other hand, he was always a formidable power, and was always master of himself. His duties as a Cabinet Minister were somewhat onerous, but his capacity for hard work enabled him to get through them more easily than most persons could have done under similar circumstances, and his attendance on circuit was never interrupted for any considerable time. His preëminence at the Bar was undisputed, and his influence over juries suffered no diminution. He had been a Queen's Counsel since 1863, and a Bencher of the Law Society of Ontario since 1871; and when he was elevated to the Judicial Bench on the 15th of November, 1878, the appointment was regarded by the legal profession and the country at large as a fitting tribute to his character and professional standing. His rank is that of Senior Puisné Judge of the Court of Queen's Bench. As a Judge, he displays the same characteristics by which he was distinguished while at the Bar, viz., quickness of perception, and a ready grasp of the main points of an argument. He has rendered several important judgments, the points of which are well known to members of the legal profession.

Mr. Cameron was concerned in organizing the Liberal-Conservative Association of Toronto, and was President of it from the time of its formation until his elevation to the Judicial Bench. He was also Vice-President of the Liberal-Conservative Convention held in Toronto in September, 1874. Apart from his strictly professional and political duties, Mr. Cameron has held various positions of more or less public importance. As far back as 1852 he was appointed by the Hincks-Morin Government a Commissioner, jointly with the late Colonel Coffin, to inquire into the causes of the frequent accidents which had then recently occurred on the Great Western Railway. He was one of the original promoters and Directors of the Dominion Telegraph Company, and of several prominent Insurance Companies. He is a member of several social, charitable and national associations, including the Caledonian and St. Andrew's Societies. He is a widower. On the 1st of December, 1851, he married Miss Charlotte Ross Wedd, of Hamilton, who died on the 14th of January, 1868. He has a family, the members whereof all reside with him in Toronto.

THE HON. SIR LOUIS H. LAFONTAINE, BART

The name of Sir Louis Lafontaine is intimately associated in the public mind with that of his friend and associate Robert Baldwin. What the latter was in Upper Canada, such was Sir Louis in the Lower Province — the leader of a numerous, an exacting, and a not always manageable political party. These two statesmen were the leading spirits on behalf of their respective Provinces in two Governments which are known in history by their joint names. Their personal intimacy and active co-operation extended over only about ten years, but the bond of union between them during that period was closely knit, and their mutual confidence was complete. They fought side by side with perfect fealty to each other and to the State, and their retirement from public life was almost simultaneous. Their mutual relations, both public and private, were marked by an almost chivalrous courtesy and respect, and even after they had ceased to take part in the struggles with which both their names are identified, they continued to think and speak of each other with an enthusiasm which was not generally supposed to belong to the nature of either.

Sir Louis was in some respects the most remarkable man that Lower Canada has produced. Though he identified himself with many important measures of Reform, the temper of his mind, more especially during his latter years, was eminently aristocratic and Conservative. His disposition was not one that could properly be described as genial. He was not a perfect tactician, and had not the faculty of making himself "all things to all men." Coriolanus himself had not a more supreme contempt for "the insinuating nod" whereby the elector is wheedled out of his vote. His demeanour was generally somewhat cold and repellent, and though he was thoroughly honourable, and respected by all who knew him, he was not a man of many warm personal friends. In the sketch of Robert Baldwin's life we have given Sir John Kaye's estimate of that gentleman's character and aspirations, as reflected in the letters and papers of Lord Metcalfe. The estimate is so wide of the mark that our readers will probably be disposed to place little reliance upon Sir John's capability for gauging the public men of Canada. In the case of the subject of the present sketch, however, Lord Metcalfe's biographer has contrived to stumble upon a much more accurate judgment. Speaking of Mr. Lafontaine, during his tenure of office as Attorney-General for Canada East, in 1843, he tells us that "all his better qualities were natural to him; his worse were the growth of circumstances. Cradled, as he and his people had been, in wrong, smarting for long years under the oppressive exclusiveness of the dominant race, he had become mistrustful and suspicious; and the doubts which were continually floating in his mind had naturally engendered indecision and infirmity of purpose. But he had many fine characteristics which no evil circumstances could impair. He was a just and an honourable man. His motives were above all suspicion. Warmly attached to his country, earnestly seeking the happiness of his people, he occupied a high position by the force rather of his moral than of his intellectual qualities. He was trusted and respected rather than admired." If we omit the reference to indecision and infirmity of purpose, we may accept the foregoing as being, so far as it goes, a not inaccurate estimate of the character of Mr. Lafontaine. The excepted reference, however, shows how little the writer could really have known of the subject of his remarks. So far from being undecided or infirm of purpose, Mr. Lafontaine was almost domineering and tyrannical in his firmness. He was very reluctant to receive discipline, and was generally disposed to prefer his own judgment to that of any one else. It will be news, indeed, to such of his colleagues as still survive, to learn that Sir Louis Lafontaine was infirm of purpose. Sir Francis Hincks, who is able to speak with high authority on the subject, declares in one of his political pamphlets that he never met a man less open to such an imputation. Other equally trustworthy authorities have borne similar testimony, and indeed the whole course of his political life furnishes a standing refutation to the charge. Sir Louis was intellectually far above most of those with whom he acted, and he was endowed by nature with an imperious will. He brooked contradiction, or even moderate remonstrance, with an ill grace. Had he been of a more conciliating temper he would doubtless have been vastly more popular. His sincerity and uprightness have never, so far as we are aware, been called in question.

He was born near the village of Boucherville, in the county of Chambly, Lower Canada, in October, 1807. He was the third son of Antoine Menard Lafontaine, of Boucherville, whose father sat in the Lower Canadian Legislature from 1796 to 1804. His mother's maiden name was Marie J. Bienvenu. There is nothing to be said about his early life. He studied law, and in due time was called to the Bar of Lower Canada, and settled in Montreal. He succeeded in his profession, and while still a very young man achieved a prominent position and an extensive practice. He accumulated considerable wealth, which was augmented by an advantageous marriage, in 1831, to Adèle, daughter of A. Berthelot, a wealthy and eminent advocate of Quebec. He entered political life in 1830, when he was only twenty-three years of age, as a Member of the Legislative Assembly for the populous county of Terrebonne. He at this time held and advocated very advanced political views, and was a follower of Louis J. Papineau. He was not always subordinate to his leader, however, and as time passed by he ceased to work cordially with Mr. Papineau. Their differences were of temperament rather than of principle, and erelong a complete estrangement took place between them. Mr. Lafontaine, however, still continued to advocate advanced radicalism, not only from his place in Parliament, but through the medium of the newspaper press. He continued to sit in the Assembly as representative for Terrebonne until the rebellion burst forth, in which he was so far implicated that a warrant was issued against him for treason, and he deemed it wise to withdraw from Canada. He fled to England, whence he made good his escape across the channel to France. His residence there, unlike that of Papineau, was only of brief duration. He returned to his native land in 1840, having gained wisdom by experience. He was opposed to the project of uniting the Provinces, and spoke against it from the platform at Montreal and elsewhere with great vehemence; but after the passing of the Act of Union he acquiesced in what could no longer be avoided, and in 1841 he offered himself once more to his old constituents of Terrebonne, as a candidate for a seat in the Parliament of the United Provinces. His candidature was not successful, but, chiefly through the instrumentality of Robert Baldwin, who had just been honoured with a double return, he was on the 21st of September elected for the Fourth Riding of the county of York, in Upper Canada. It will be understood from this alliance that Mr. Lafontaine's views had undergone considerable modification. He now perceived that the rebellion of 1837-8 had been not merely a crime, but a political blunder, as there had never been any chance of its becoming permanently successful. With regard to the Union of the Provinces, he looked upon it as a scheme which had been forced upon the Lower Canadian French population, but which, having been accomplished, might as well be worked in common between his compatriots and Canadians of British origin. By taking a part in the work of Government he would not only win an honourable position, but would be able to obtain many favours and concessions for Lower Canadians which he could not hope to obtain as a private indvidual. Actuated by some such motives as these, he in 1842 joined with Mr. Baldwin in forming the first Ministry which bears their joint names, he himself holding the portfolio of Attorney-General for the Lower Province. Having vacated his seat on accepting office on the 16th of September, he was on the 8th of October following reëlected for the Fourth Riding of York. He represented that constituency until November, 1844, when he was returned to the Second Parliament of United Canada by the electors of Terrebonne. He sat for Terrebonne until after his acceptance of office as Attorney-General for Lower Canada in the second Baldwin-Lafontaine Administration, formed in March, 1848, after which he was returned for the city of Montreal, which he thenceforward continued to represent in Parliament so long as he remained in public life.

Soon after Mr. Lafontaine's acceptance of office, in the autumn of 1842, he proposed to Sir Charles Bagot, who was then Governor-General, that an amnesty should be granted to all persons who had taken part in the rebellion in 1837-8. To this proposal His Excellency was not disposed to assent without careful consideration, and probably until he could communicate with the Imperial Government. Mr. Lafontaine then urged that, if an amnesty was for the present considered unadvisable, the various prosecutions for high treason pending at Montreal might be abandoned. To this Sir Charles, after careful consideration, expressed his willingness to assent, except in the single case of the arch-conspirator, Louis Joseph Papineau. Mr. Lafontaine had long ceased to sympathize with Mr. Papineau's political views, but he was not disposed to acquiesce in the proposed exception, and for a time the negotiations fell through. It was subsequently renewed, but before any definite steps could be taken in the matter the Governor-General's health gave way, and he rapidly sank into his grave. After the accession of Sir Charles Metcalfe, Mr. Lafontaine urged his proposal upon the new Governor, and finally succeeded in carrying his point. Mr. Lafontaine, as Attorney-General, was instructed to file a nolle prosequi to the indictments against Mr. Papineau, as well as to those against other political offenders. He obeyed his instructions with promptitude, and Mr. Papineau soon afterwards returned to this country. Erelong the "old man eloquent" found his way into Parliament, where he for several years made himself a thorn in the flesh to some of his old colleagues of the ante-Union days.

The first Baldwin-Lafontaine Ministry resigned office in November, 1843, in consequence of the arbitrary conduct of Sir Charles Metcalfe. All the circumstances connected with this resignation are narrated at sufficient length elsewhere in these pages. Mr. Lafontaine remained in Opposition until March, 1848, when he and his colleagues again came into power. During the interval he had steadily held his ground in the estimation of the Reform element in the French Canadian population, of whom he was the acknowledged leader. The history of the second Baldwin-Lafontaine Administration¹⁰ in which Mr. Lafontaine held the portfolio of Attorney-General East, has been given in previous sketches, and there is no need for repeating the details here. It was Mr. Lafontaine who, in February, 1849, introduced the famous Rebellion Losses Bill, which gave rise to so much heated debate in the House, and to such disgraceful proceedings outside. Mr. Lafontaine, as the actual introducer of the Bill, came in for his full share of the odium attaching to that measure. His house in Montreal was attacked by the mob, and although the flames were extinguished in time to save the building, the furniture and library shared the fate of those in the Houses of Parliament, with the fate of which readers of the sketch of Lord Elgin are already familiar. After much wilful destruction of valuable property the rioters waxed bolder, and proceeded to maltreat loyal subjects in the streets in the most shameful manner. Mr. Lafontaine himself narrowly escaped personal maltreatment. A second attack was made upon his house. The military, or some occupants of the house, finding it necessary to use extreme measures, fired upon the mob, wounding several, and killing one man, whose name was Mason. For a few minutes after this time it seemed not improbable that Mr. Lafontaine would be torn in pieces. Yells rent the air, and it was loudly proclaimed that a Frenchman had shed the blood of an Anglo-Saxon. The hour of danger passed, however, and Mr. Lafontaine escaped without personal injury. The unanimous verdict of a coroner's jury acquitted him of all blame for the death of the misguided man who had fallen a victim to his zeal for riot. The verdict had a quieting effect upon the public mind. Meanwhile the Governor-General had tendered his resignation, but as his conduct was approved of both by the Local Administration and by the Home Authorities, he, at their urgent request, consented to remain in office. In consequence of this disgraceful riot, however, it was not considered desirable to continue the seat of Government at Montreal. The Legislature thenceforth sat alternately at Toronto and Quebec, until 1866, when Ottawa became the permanent capital of the Dominion.

Notwithstanding all the excitement, and the opposition to which he was subjected, Mr. Lafontaine generally contrived to carry through any measure which he had very much at heart. There were certain popular measures, however, which he never had at heart, and to which, although the leader of a professedly Liberal Administration, he could never be induced to lend his countenance. After Responsible Government had become an accomplished fact, there was no measure so imperatively demanded by Upper Canadian Reformers as the secularization of the Clergy Reserves. In the Lower Province the measure most desired by the people was the abolition of the Seignorial Tenure. To neither of these projects would Mr. Lafontaine consent. He had an immense respect for vested rights, and does not seem to have fully recognized the fact that so-called vested rights are sometimes neither more nor less than vested wrongs. Yet, notwithstanding his hostility to these measures, he continued to hold the reins of power, for he was regarded as an embodiment, in his own person, of the unity of the French-Canadian race. He was, however, like his colleague, Robert Baldwin, too moderate in his views for the times in which his later political life was cast. The progress of Reform was too rapid for him, and he finally made way for more advanced and more energetic men. His retirement from office and from political life took place towards the close of 1851. After his retirement he devoted himself to professional pursuits, and continued to do so until the death of Sir James Stuart, Chief Justice of the Lower Province, in the summer of 1853, left that position vacant. On the 13th of August Mr. Lafontaine was appointed to the office, and on the 28th of August, 1854, he was created a Baronet. In 1861, having been a widower for some years, he married a second time, his choice being Jane, daughter of Mr. Charles Morrison, of Berthier, and widow of Mr. Thomas Kinton, of Montreal. He continued to occupy the position of Chief Justice until his death, which took place on the morning of the 26th of February, 1864. During his tenure of that office he also presided at the sittings of the Seignorial Tenure Court. He attained high rank as a jurist, and his decisions, which were always delivered with a weighty impressiveness of manner, are regarded with very great respect by his successors, and by the legal profession generally.

Mr. Robert Christie, the historian of Lower Canada, contrasts the political character of Mr. Lafontaine with that of his early colleague, Mr. Papineau. Mr. Christie knew both the personages well, and was quite capable of discriminating between them. "Mr. Lafontaine," he says, "it is pretty generally admitted, has, by consulting only the practicable and expedient, acted wisely and well, amidst the difficulties that beset his position as Prime Minister, and upon the whole, though there are derogating circumstances in the course of it, his administration has been eminently successful. It was, in fact, from the impetuous and blind pursuit of the impracticable and inexpedient, that Mr. Papineau lost himself, shipwrecking his own and his party's hopes, and, with his example and failure before him, it is to Mr. Lafontaine's credit that he has had the wisdom to profit by them."

Sir Louis had no issue by his first wife. By his second wife he had one son, to whom he was very much attached, and upon whom he looked as the transmitter of his name, and of the title which he had so honourably won. The little fellow, however, died in childhood, and the title became extinct. Lady Lafontaine still resides in Montreal.

JOHN CHRISTIAN SCHULTZ, M.D

Dr. Schultz has had some adventurous passages in his life, and has played a by no means insignificant part in the history of the Prairie Province. He was born at Amherstburgh, in the county of Essex, Upper Canada, on the 1st of January, 1840. He is a son of the late Mr. William Schultz, a native of Denmark, who was for many years engaged in business as a merchant at Amherstburgh. His mother was Eliza, daughter of Mr. Willam Riley, of Bandon, Ireland.

After receiving his primary education at the public schools of Amherstburgh, he entered Oberlin College, Ohio. This institution was then held in high consideration by many persons in this country, and some of our prominent men have been educated there. Mr. Schultz remained there long enough to pass through the Arts course. Having chosen the medical profession as his future calling, he studied medicine at Queen's College, Kingston, and afterwards at the Medical Department of Victoria College, in Toronto. He had conceived the design of emigrating to Mexico, with a view to practising his profession there, but after graduating as M.D., in the spring of 1860, he relinquished that design, and found his way, by the rude and toilsome route then in vogue, to the Red River Settlement. The community there at that time consisted of about eight thousand persons, separated from the city of St. Paul, Minnesota, by a distance of 550 miles of country, a great part of which was owned by the Ojibway and Sioux Indians. There was of course no railway in that part of the world in those days, and anyone undertaking to travel from St. Paul to Fort Garry entered upon a journey which was not only toilsome but perilous. The barbarians all along the route were fierce and intractable, not much given to discriminating between subjects of Great Britain and those of the United States. Between the latter and the Indians there was much ill-feeling, and murders and assassinations of white travellers were matters of frequent occurrence. After enduring many hardships, Dr. Schultz reached Fort Garry, and there commenced the practice of his profession. He soon afterwards entered upon the traffic in furs, a pursuit which was very profitable in those days, but which was still held as a monopoly by the Hudson's Bay Company. The great Company doubtless well knew that it would not much longer be permitted to enjoy its monopoly, but it was not disposed to encourage rivalry, and looked upon Dr. Schultz's interference with no friendly eye. There are of course two sides to this question. The Company's agents were sometimes overbearing and tyrannical in resisting the encroachments of free-traders. On the other hand, it was scarcely to be expected that they would encourage or quietly submit to interference with what they regarded as the Company's exclusive rights. In spite of all opposition, however, Dr. Schultz continued to carry on his operations with great profit to himself for some years. His negotiations with the Indians and half-breeds rendered it necessary that he should traverse a wide extent of country, and he thus gained an accurate knowledge of the topography of the North-West, as well as an intimate acquaintance with Indian manners, traditions, and customs.

In the spring of 1862 Dr. Schultz was unfortunate enough to be away from home when the terrible Sioux massacre occurred in Minnesota, completely cutting off connection between its frontier settlements and Fort Garry, and spreading devastation and terror throughout the whole of the North-West. The Doctor, after waiting some time at St. Paul, where he had been transacting business, attempted the passage through the Indian country by the "Crow Wing" trail, as it was called. After many days and nights of cautious travelling, and one capture by the Indians, from which he owed his release to his ability to convince the savages that he was English and not American, he arrived safely at Pembina, whence he made his way to Fort Garry. In 1864 he became the owner and editor of the Nor'-Wester, the pioneer newspaper of the North-West, and laboured hard through its columns to make the great agricultural value of the country known. His policy was, of course, diametrically opposed to that of the Hudson's Bay Company, and as time passed by, the hostility between that Company and himself became very bitter and implacable. He subsequently disposed of the Nor'-Wester to Dr. Walter Robert Bown, by whom the paper was conducted at the time of the outbreak to be presently referred to.

In 1868 Dr. Schultz married Miss Agnes Campbell Farquharson, formerly of Georgetown, British Guiana. He soon afterwards built the house which was destined to become historical for the defence against Riel and his insurrectionary force. In the autumn of 1868 he greatly extended the fur business in which he was engaged, sending expeditions for that purpose to the far north and west. The following autumn brought with it the first mutterings of the Red River Rebellion, and it was seen that Dr. Schultz was a marked man. Warning letters from Riel and other insurgents were sent to him. Some of the Hudson's Bay Company's officials openly accused him of having been the means of bringing about connection with Canada, and in the gathering of the storm there seemed to be an ominous future for him whom many of the Canadians then in the country looked upon as their leader, and trusted to for their defence. He was unfortunate, too, in the situation of his residence and trading post, which were the nearest buildings to Fort Garry, and within easy range of the field guns which Riel afterwards planted to force the giving up of the Canadian Government provisions. Upon the actual breaking out of the insurrection, Dr. Schultz suffered severely, both in person and in purse. His pecuniary losses were recompensed to him by the Government, but the bodily privations to which he was subjected were the means of inflicting a shock upon his constitution, the effects of which are still to some extent perceptible. After the seizure of Fort Garry by the insurgents, the loyal Canadians of the settlement were placed under surveillance. About fifty of these assembled for mutual safety at Dr. Schultz's house, about eight hundred yards from the Fort. Here they were besieged by several hundred of Riel's followers for three days. The siege does not seem to have been incessant or very active, but there were more than two hundred armed French half-breeds who kept continually on the watch, and the inmates were prevented from egress. It is said that two mounted six-pounders were drawn by the insurgents outside the walls of Fort Garry, with their muzzles pointed in the direction of the beleaguered house. The little force inside the building was too small to enable the besieged to make a permanent resistance, and at last they were compelled to surrender. They were then marched by the rebels to Fort Garry and imprisoned there. Dr. Schultz himself, who was the especial object of Riel's hatred, was placed in solitary confinement, under a strong guard. His wife, who had insisted on remaining by his side, was at first permitted to share his imprisonment, but after a few days she was forcibly separated from him, and it seemed not unlikely that this separation had been effected by Riel with a view to wreaking his vengeance on the Doctor by taking his life. Riel himself alleged that there was no intention of harming any of the prisoners, but that he considered it desirable to separate Mr. and Mrs. Schultz, lest the husband should be enabled to escape through the instrumentality of his wife, who of course was not a prisoner, and who was permitted ingress and egress at all reasonable hours. Dr. Schultz, however, placed little reliance on the word of the arch-insurgent. Knowing the sentiments with which he was regarded by Riel, he felt that his life was liable to be sacrificed at any moment, and he determined to make an attempt to escape. This purpose, after being confined for nearly three weeks, he successfully accomplished. Mrs. Schultz contrived to secretly convey to him a pen-knife and a small gimlet. With these inadequate means he made an opening through his cell, large enough to enable him to pass through into the inner quadrangle of the Fort. On the night of Sunday, the 23rd of December, 1869, he cut into strips the buffalo-robe which served for his bed, fastened an end to a projection in his cell, passed through the opening he had made in the wall, and prepared to descend to terra firma. While he was making the descent one of the strips of buffalo skin snapped, and he was precipitated violently to the ground. The fall rendered him temporarily lame, and caused him great suffering, but even in this disabled condition he managed to scramble over the outer wall near one of the bastions, and found himself at liberty. He stole away in the dead silence of night, and after a toilsome march of some hours in a blinding snow-storm, took refuge in the house of a friendly settler in the parish of Kildonan. There, in the course of the next few weeks, he and other Canadians organized a force about six hundred strong, with a view to releasing their friends who were still imprisoned at Fort Garry. Everything being in readiness for action, a message, demanding the release of the prisoners, was despatched to Riel. The demand was vigorously backed up by the influence of Mr. A. G. B. Bannatyne, a prominent citizen of Red River, and Miss McVicar, a young lady from Canada who was on a visit to the settlement. These two called upon Riel at Fort Garry, and begged him to avert the bloodshed which would certainly result if he persisted in detaining the prisoners. Riel, under the combined influence of his interlocutors and the demand which had been made upon him by the Canadian forces, displayed the better part of valour, and promptly released the captives. He was determined, however, to recapture Dr. Schultz, and sent out several expeditions to discover his whereabouts. He declared that he would have Dr. Schultz's body, dead or alive, if it was to be found in the Red River Settlement. Disappointed at the non-success of his emissaries, Riel started out himself at the head of an expedition, to scour the settlement, and to recapture the object of his enmity. The expedition reached the Stone Fort, or Lower Fort Garry, about midway between the capital of the settlement and the entrance of Red River into Lake Winnipeg. They entered the enclosure, and searched every nook and corner of the Fort. Ill would it have fared with Dr. Schultz had he been discovered there; but he was far away, and was every hour increasing the distance between Riel and himself. A large meeting of loyalist settlers had been held, at which Dr. Schultz was requested to proceed to Canada, and to lay the real state of affairs before the people there. Such a mission involved grave perils and hardships, for all the roads leading to Minnesota were closely guarded by the insurgents, and certain death would have overtaken the Doctor had he again fallen into their hands. He determined, however, to make the attempt by way of Lake Superior. On the 21st of February, accompanied only by an English half-breed named Joseph Monkman, he started on his perilous expedition. News of his having done so came in due course to the ears of Riel, who sent out scouts in every direction to intercept him. The Doctor and his companion eluded their vigilance, and with snow-shoes on their feet struck across the frozen south-easterly end of Lake Winnipeg to the mouth of the Winnipeg River. They made their way past the rushing cascades of that stream to the Lake of the Woods; thence across to Rainy Lake, and thence across the northern part of the State of Minnesota to the head of Lake Superior. Numerous camps of Indians were encountered on this adventurous march, and from time to time guides were obtained from the latter. "Over weary miles of snow-covered lakes; over the watershed between Rainy Lake and the lakes of the Laurentian chain; over the height of land between Rainy Lake and Lake Superior; through pine forests and juniper swamps, these travellers made their way, turning aside only where wind-fallen timber made their course impossible. Often saved from starvation by the woodcraft of Monkman; their course guided by the compass, or by views taken from the top of some stately Norway pine, they found themselves, after twenty-four weary days of travel, in sight of the blue, unfrozen waters of Lake Superior. They had struck the lake not far from its head, and in a few hours presented themselves to the astonished gaze of the people of the then embryo village of Duluth, gaunt with hunger, worn with fatigue, their clothes in tatters, their eyes blinded with the glare of the glittering sun of March." They then learned for the first time of the terrible event which had occurred at Fort Garry since their departure — the murder of the unfortunate Thomas Scott. From Duluth they made their way to Toronto, whither news of their adventures had preceded them. On the 6th of April an indignation meeting was held in Toronto, at which a stirring address was delivered by Dr. Schultz, wherein the whole nature of the Red River difficulty was reviewed. Resolutions expressive of indignation at Scott's murder, and calling aloud for active Government interference, were passed. Similar meetings were held, and similar resolutions passed in Montreal, and in various other cities and towns in both the Upper and Lower Provinces. The expedition under Colonel (now Sir Garnet) Wolseley was soon afterwards set on foot, but the account of it has no special bearing upon Dr. Schultz's life, and need not be given here. The Doctor soon afterwards returned to Manitoba, where he has ever since resided, and where he exercises a potent influence over public affairs.

For nearly ten years past Dr. Schultz has been engaged in active political life. At the first general election after Manitoba became part of the Dominion, he was elected to represent the county of Lisgar (which comprises most of the old Lord Selkirk Settlement) in the House of Commons. The following year he was appointed a member of the Executive Council of the North-West Territories, which sat in Winnipeg under the Presidency of the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province. In this capacity he was able to utilize his knowledge of the Indians and their wants much to their advantage, in the passage of a Prohibitive Liquor Law for the whole of the North-West, and in other measures for the amelioration of their condition. He was reëlected to represent Lisgar at the general election of 1872, and again at that of 1874, and again by acclamation at the last general election. He is a member of the Dominion Board of Health for Manitoba, a Director of the Manitoba Southwestern Colonization Railway, one of the Board of Examiners of the Manitoba Medical Board, a Director of the Winnipeg and Hudson's Bay Railway, and of the Great Northwestern Telegraph Company. He is moreover one of the largest land owners in the Province. He is enthusiastic in his views as to the future of Manitoba, and of the North-West generally, and takes an active interest in promoting the welfare and prosperity of that part of the Dominion. Of late years his health has been somewhat less robust than formerly. This result is partly due to a native energy which frequently impels him to overtax his physical strength, and partly, doubtless, to the sufferings and privations above referred to. The North-West, however, has upon the whole been propitious to the Doctor. His speculations have made him a thoroughly independent man, so far as worldly wealth is concerned, and he can well afford to take repose for the remainder of his life. He is a member of the Liberal-Conservative Party, and a staunch supporter of the Government now in power at Ottawa.

THE HON. GEORGE WILLIAM BURTON

Judge Burton was born at the town of Sandwich, the most ancient of the Cinque Ports, in the county of Kent, England, on the 21st of July, 1818. He was the second son of the late Admiral George Guy Burton, R.N., of Chatham. He received his education at the Rochester and Chatham Proprietary School, under the late Rev. Robert Whiston, LL.D., a Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who subsequently occupied the position of Head-Master of the Grammar School at Rochester, and who was the author of several works remarkable for sound scholarship and independence of thought. Mr. Burton has always held his tutor in honoured remembrance, and to this day is accustomed to speak of him with the respect due to his great learning and attainments.

In 1836, the year before the breaking out of Mackenzie's rebellion, Mr. Burton, then a youth of eighteen, came over to Upper Canada and repaired to Ingersoll, in the county of Oxford, where he began the study of the law in the office of his paternal uncle, the late Mr. Edmund Burton, who then carried on a legal business there. The gentleman last named had formerly held an office in connection with the Admiralty, and had been stationed at the mouth of the Grand River during the War of 1812, '13, and '14. After the close of the war he devoted himself to the law, and spent the rest of his life in Upper Canada. His presence in this country was doubtless to some extent the cause of his nephew's emigration from England. The latter spent the regular term of five years in his uncle's office in Ingersoll. Upon the expiration of his articles, he was called to the Bar, in Easter Term, 1842, and settled down to the practice of his profession in Hamilton, where he was not long in acquiring a large and lucrative business. He identified himself with the Reform Party in politics, and took an active part in various local elections. He was frequently importuned to enter Parliament, but he preferred to confine his best energies to his professional duties, and, as the years passed by, his business assumed such dimensions that he had full occupation for his time. He formed various partnerships, but was always the guiding spirit of the firm, and became known from one end of the Province to the other as a sound and learned lawyer. His connexion with Mr. Charles A. Sadleir lasted for many years, and the firm of "Burton & Sadleir" was one of the best known in the western part of the Province. On the 9th of June, 1850, Mr. Burton married Miss Elizabeth Perkins, daughter of the late Dr. F. Perkins, of Kingston, in the Island of Jamaica, and niece and adopted daughter of the late Colonel Charles Cranston Dixon, of the 90th Regiment.

The life of an industrious lawyer, though interesting to himself and his clients, is uneventful, and there is not much to be said about Mr. Burton's professional career, except that it was a remarkably successful one. He had many wealthy merchants and corporations for his clients, and was regarded as an adept in the law relating to railway companies. He was for many years Solicitor for the City of Hamilton; also for the Canada Life Assurance Company, of which he is at present a Director, having been elected to that position soon after his elevation to the Judicial Bench. In 1856 he was nominated a Bencher of the Law Society of Upper Canada, and when that body became elective by the profession at large, under the Ontario Act of 1871, he was elected to the position. In 1863 he was invested with a silk gown.

His elevation to the Bench took place on the 30th of May, 1874, when he was appointed a Judge of the Court of Error and Appeal. He then removed to Toronto, where he has ever since resided. Upon the elevation of Mr. Justice Strong to a seat on the Bench of the Supreme Court at Ottawa, in October, 1875, Mr. Burton became, and still continues to be, the Senior Justice of the Court of Appeal for this Province. He has filled his position worthily, and with acceptance to the public and profession. He has delivered many important judgments. One of these, in the case of Smiles vs. Belford et al., is of special interest to persons connected with literary pursuits. The plaintiff was the well-known Scottish writer, Samuel Smiles, author of "The Life of George Stephenson," "Industrial Biography," and various other works of a similar character which have enjoyed great popularity among the young. The defendants were a firm of publishers in Toronto. The case came before Judge Burton in the month of March, 1877, by way of appeal from a judgment previously rendered by Vice-Chancellor Proudfoot; and the effect of Judge Burton's decision was to affirm the Vice-Chancellor's conclusions. It was held that it is not necessary for the author of a book who has duly copyrighted the work in England under the Imperial statute 5 and 6 Victoria, chapter 45, to copyright it in Canada under the Canadian Copyright Act of 1875, with a view of restraining a reprint of it there; but that if he desires to prevent the importation into Canada of printed copies from a foreign country he must copyright the book in Canada. The judgment is an elaborate one, and well worthy of the careful perusal of literary men.

LORD DORCHESTER

Prominent among the band of heroes who accompanied Wolfe on his memorable expedition against Quebec in 1759 was a gallant hero who held the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the British army, and whose name was Guy Carleton. He was an intimate personal friend of General Wolfe, and was at that time thirty-seven years of age, having been born in 1722, at Strabane, in the county of Tyrone, Ireland. He had embraced a military career in his earliest youth, and had already done good service on more than one hotly-contested field. He had served with distinction under the Duke of Cumberland on the Continent, and had acquired the reputation of a brave and efficient officer. He was destined to attain still higher distinction, both in military and civil affairs, and to preserve for his king and country the realm which Wolfe died to gain. He has been called "the founder and saviour of Canada," and if these terms are somewhat grandiloquent, it must be admitted that they are not altogether without justification. "If," says a well-known Canadian writer, "we owe to Wolfe a deep debt of gratitude for the brilliant achievement which added new lustre and victory to our arms, and placed the ensign of Great Britain on this glorious dependency of the empire, where he fought and bled and sacrificed a life his country could ill spare, we assuredly, also, owe much to those brave and gallant men who preserved this land when conquered, through dint of hard toil, watchful vigilance, and loss of blood and life."

Guy Carleton's friendship with Wolfe, who was four years his junior, dated from their early youth. There are many friendly and affectionate references to him scattered here and there throughout Wolfe's published letters, and it is evident that their friendship was founded upon the highest mutual respect and esteem. Wolfe seems to have lost no opportunity of pushing his friend's fortunes, and to his patronage the Lieutenant-Colonel was indebted for many signal marks of favour. When the General was appointed to take charge of the operations against Quebec, he was informed by Pitt that he would be allowed to choose his own staff of officers. He accordingly forwarded his list of names to the Minister, and among them was that of Colonel Carleton, to whom he had assigned the office of Quartermaster-General. Carleton, however, had made himself obnoxious to the King by passing some slighting remarks on the Hanoverian troops — a most heinous offence in the eyes of the Elector. When the Commander-in-Chief submitted the list to the Sovereign, His Majesty, as was expected, drew his pen across Carleton's name, and refused to sign his commission. Neither Pitt nor Wolfe was likely to humour the stubborn monarch's whim. Lord Ligonier was therefore sent a second time into the royal closet, but with no better success. When his lordship returned to the Prime Minister he was ordered to make another trial, and was told that on again submitting the name he should represent the peculiar state of affairs. "And tell His Majesty likewise," said Mr. Pitt, "that in order to render any General completely responsible for his conduct, he should be made, as far as possible, inexcusable if he should fail; and that, consequently, whatever an officer entrusted with a service of confidence requests should be complied with." After some hesitation Ligonier obtained a third audience, and delivered his message, when, obstinate and unforgiving as the old King was, the sound sense of the observation prevailed over his prejudice, and he signed the commission as requested. And so it came about that Colonel Carleton accompanied the conqueror of Quebec in the capacity of Quartermaster-General on that memorable expedition, which was fraught with such important consequences to both.

The story of the siege of Quebec is already familiar to readers of these pages. The only further reference to that siege necessary to be made in this place is to chronicle the fact that Colonel Carleton was severely wounded in the hand on the plains of Abraham, and was only a few paces distant from his commander when the latter received his death-wound. For his services on that eventful day he was advanced to the dignity of a Brigadier-General. The next important event in his life necessary to record was his accession to the Governorship of Canada, as successor to General Murray. He was already regarded with great favour by the colonists, who had begun to look up to him as a protector. His character and conduct have been variously judged, some attributing his wisdom and gentleness to native goodness of heart, others to a prudent and far-seeing policy. There is no necessity for inquiring too curiously into his motives. Suffice it to say that he was regarded with the highest favour and admiration by the colonists. The Government of his predecessor, General Murray, had, at the outset, been an essentially military Government, and had been the reverse of popular with French Canadians generally. During his regime the French Canadians seem to have been morbidly given to contemplating themselves as a conquered people, and to have been ever ready to avail themselves of any pretext for establishing a grievance. Nor were such pretexts altogether wanting. The civil and criminal law of England had been introduced into the colony by royal proclamation, and Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Chancery had been established for its administration. Now, the law of England was a system of which the French Canadians knew nothing, and for which they could hardly be expected to have much enthusiasm. Trial by jury was an especial bugbear to them. It was incomprehensible to them that any man who was conscious of the goodness of his cause should wish to be tried by twelve ignorant men; men who had never studied the principles of law, and who were very imperfectly educated. That a suitor should prefer such a tribunal to an erudite judge, whose life had been spent in the study of jurisprudence, was, to the French Canadians of those days, pretty strong evidence that the said suitor had little confidence in the justness of his plea. Moreover, trials were carried on in the English language, of which the French Canadians in general knew little more than they knew of English law. A native litigant was compelled to plead through an interpreter, and not seldom through an interpreter who could be bribed. Even the higher officials of the courts were sometimes appointed for political reasons, and were utterly unfit for positions of trust. It is not too much to say that there were flagrant instances in which judicial decisions were literally bought and sold. General Murray's report on the condition of the colony, published after his return to England in 1766, affords indisputable evidence that the alleged grievances of the French Canadians were not wholly imaginary. The ex-Governor cannot be suspected of any undue prejudice in favour of the native population. He describes the British colonists of the Province as being, with a few exceptions, the most immoral collection of men he had ever known. Most of them, he alleged, had been followers of the army, of mean education, or soldiers disbanded at the reduction of the troops, who had their fortunes to make, and who were not very solicitous as to how that end was accomplished. They were represented as persons little calculated to conciliate the natives, or to increase the respect of the latter for British laws. The officials sent out from the mother country to conduct the public service are described as venal, mercenary, and ignorant. "The Judge fixed upon to conciliate the minds of 75,000 foreigners to the laws and government of Great Britain," says the report, "was taken from a jail." Both the Judge and the Attorney-General were unacquainted with the Civil Law and with the French language. The chief offices of state were filled by men equally ignorant, who had bought their situations for a price. Such a state of things was little calculated to endear British rule to the French Canadians. The picture is a dark one, but hardly darker than the facts justified. And such was the posture of affairs when Guy Carleton succeeded to office as Murray's successor.

He was wise enough to perceive that such a system could not be lasting, and just enough to desire the establishment of a better one. Scarcely had he succeeded to office before he made some important changes among the higher state officials. He deposed two obnoxious councillors, and set up two better men in their stead. He then turned his attention to law reform. Previous to the Conquest, the law in vogue in the Province had been a modification of the Civil Law known as the "Coutume de Paris." This system, abridged and modified so as to meet the requirements of the colony, he set himself to reëstablish. Under his direction some of the leading French lawyers set to work at the task of compilation. Upon the completion of this work he crossed over to England, taking the compilation with him for the approval of the authorities there. He met with strong opposition, and for some time it seemed doubtful whether he would be able to accomplish the object of his mission. He was subjected to repeated examinations before the law officers of the Crown, and before Committees of the House of Commons. Thurlow, the Attorney-General, opposed the measure with all the forensic learning he could summon to his aid. The Mayor and Corporation of London also threw the weight of their influence into the same scale. The great Edmund Burke exhausted against it all his unrivalled powers of rhetoric. Finally a compromise was effected, and the famous "Quebec Act" was passed. It repealed all the provisions of the royal proclamation of 1763, annulled all the acts of the Governor and Council relative to the civil government and administration of justice, revoked the commissions of judges and other existing officers, and established new boundaries for the Province. It released the Roman Catholics in Canada from all penal restrictions, renewed their dues and tithes to the Roman Catholic clergy from members of their own Church, and confirmed all classes except the religious orders and communities in full possession of their property. The French laws were declared to be the rules for decision relative to property and civil rights, while the English law was established in criminal matters. Both the civil and criminal codes were liable to be altered or modified by the ordinances of the Governor and a Legislative Council. This Council was to be appointed by the Crown, and was to consist of not more than twenty-three, nor fewer than seventeen members. Its power was limited to levying local or municipal taxes, and to making arrangements for the administration of the internal affairs of the Province; the British Parliament reserving to itself the right of external taxation, or the levying of duties on imports and exports. Every ordinance passed by this Council was to be transmitted within six months, at farthest, after enactment, for the approbation of the King, and if disallowed, was to be void on its disallowance becoming known at Quebec. Such were the principal provisions of the Quebec Act, under which Canada was governed for seventeen years. There can be no doubt that its enactment was largely due to Carleton's representations, and it is not to be wondered at if, when he returned to Canada in the autumn of 1774, he was received with rapturous enthusiasm by the French Canadians, who made up nearly the entire population of the colony. The Legislative Council, composed of one-third Catholics and two-thirds Protestants, was inaugurated. The "Continental Congress," which was then in session at Philadelphia, made vain overtures to the Canadians to join them in throwing off the British yoke. The French Canadians believed that they had more to lose than gain by a change. They had not even yet much love for British institutions, but they thought they saw a disposition on the part of the Imperial authorities to accord to them some measure of justice, and were not disposed to rebel. They were moreover greatly attached to the Governor who had fought so gallantly on their behalf. "The man," says M. Bibaud, "to whom the administration of the Government had been entrusted had known how to make the Canadians love him, and this contributed not a little to retain, at least within the bounds of neutrality, those among them who might have been able, or who believed themselves able, to ameliorate their lot by making common cause with the insurgent colonies."

A time soon arrived when the fealty of the French Canadians was to be subjected to a stern and an effectual test. On the 19th of April, 1775, the revolt of the American colonies assumed a positive shape, and the skirmish at Lexington took place. The colonists then proceeded to strike what they believed would prove a deadly blow to Great Britain on this continent. American forces under the command of Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold passed over to Canada, believing that they would find the country an easy prey. Crown Point, which was invested with a very small garrison, was compelled to yield to the invaders. A similar result followed the attack of the Americans on Fort Ticonderoga, and the capture of the only British sloop of war on Lake Champlain gave them entire supremacy in those waters. Then General Carleton manned himself "to whip the dwarfish war from out his territories." He at once determined to recover the forts which had been lost, and proceeded to raise a militia. But when he appealed to the French Canadians to flock to the side of their seigniors in accordance with the old feudal customs for which they professed so much veneration, and which he himself had been instrumental in restoring to them, he found that he could not count upon their aid. The seigniors, indeed, were most of them chivalrous and willing enough, but the peasantry refused to lift hand in a quarrel which was not of their seeking. Much eloquence has been wasted in attempting to prove that the French Canadian habitans refused on principle to rally at this juncture. It has been said that their hearts warmly sympathized with the struggle of the Americans for freedom, and that they believed that to aid Great Britain would be to strike a blow at liberty itself. The facts of the case do not justify any such assumption. Looking back upon that memorable rebellion by the light of the hundred years which have elapsed since its occurrence, there are not many right-thinking persons of British blood who will be disposed to regret its issue. But the "shot heard round the world," of which Emerson so eloquently sings, produced no echo in the hearts of French Canadians. They were simply indifferent. They had no stomach to draw their swords and perform military service in behalf of a cause which did not appeal to their enthusiasm. Whatever sympathies they had were undoubtedly enlisted on the side of the Americans, but these were too weak to impel them to endanger their lives. They had enjoyed an interval of peace, and many of their most pressing grievances had been redressed. They owed a debt of gratitude to their Governor, and they were willing to repay it by passive fealty; but they were as lukewarm as erst were the people of Laodicea. It was in vain that the seigniors mustered their tenants and expatiated on the nature of feudal services, and the risk of confiscation which they would incur by refusing to render such services in this hour of need. They almost to a man denied the right of their seigniors to exact military services from them. In a word, they refused to fight. The Governor was thus placed in an extremity. He had only two regiments of troops at his disposal — the 7th and the 26th. Their combined strength was about 850 men. The British colonists were even less disposed to draw sword than the native Canadians. The American Congress believed the Canadian people to be favourable to their cause, and resolved to strike a blow which should be decisive. They despatched a force of nearly 2,000 men into Canada by way of the River Richelieu, under the command of Generals Schuyler and Montgomery. Another expedition, consisting of a force of 1,100 men, under Colonel Benedict Arnold, was simultaneously despatched from Boston to Quebec by way of the Rivers Kennebec and Chaudière. The campaign was not badly planned. The larger of these forces was to capture the forts on the way from Albany to Montreal. Upon reaching Montreal that town was to be captured and invested, after which a descent was to be made to Quebec and a junction formed with Arnold.

Carleton's situation was sufficiently embarrassing to have dismayed a man less abundant in energy and less fertile of resource. It only spurred him on to increased exertion. His two small regiments were divided between Montreal and Quebec. The colonists, both British and French, had refused to assist him, and it was doubtful if many of them would not join the ranks of the invaders. Having proclaimed martial law, he invoked ecclesiastical aid. The priests were believed to be all-powerful with the French Canadian population, and he knew that he could count upon the coöperation of the priesthood. He appealed to De Briand, Bishop of Quebec, to rouse the peasantry of his diocese. The Bishop complied with his wishes, and put forth an encyclical letter enjoining the people to bestir themselves in defence of their country and their religion. Even this appeal was in vain. The French Canadians still remained apathetic. Many of the British colonists openly professed their sympathy with the Americans. The Governor then sought to raise a militia by offering liberal land-bounties. This appeal to the cupidity of the colonists was more effectual than the appeals of a more sentimental nature had been, inasmuch as a few volunteers promptly enrolled themselves. Valuable assistance also came in from another quarter. The Province of New York had by this time become an unsafe place of residence for persons of British proclivities. Colonel Guy Johnson, who had just succeeded to the position of British Colonial Agent for Indian Affairs in North America, was compelled to seek safety in Canada. He was accompanied by Joseph Brant and the principal warriors of the Six Nations, who had resolved to "sink or swim with the English." These warriors, with Brant at their head, formed themselves into a Confederacy, and rallied to the side of Governor Carleton. The American armaments were meanwhile steadily advancing to the attack. Early in September the forces under Schuyler and Montgomery reached Isle-aux-Noix. Proclamations were sown broadcast among the Canadians, in which it was stated that the invaders had no design whatever on the lives, the properties, or the religion of the inhabitants, and that their operations were directed against the British only. General Schuyler having returned to Albany, the chief command devolved on Montgomery, who invested Fort St. John, and sent a detachment of troops to attack the fort at Chambly, while Ethan Allen was despatched with a reconnoitring party towards Montreal. Allen being informed that the town was weakly defended, and believing the inhabitants to be favourable to the American cause, resolved to attempt a capture. Carleton had already arrived at Montreal to make dispositions for the protection of the frontier. Learning, on the night of the 24th, that a party of Americans had crossed the river, and were marching on the town, he despatched all his available force, consisting of about 275 men, nearly all of whom were volunteers, against the enemy. The American force, which was only about 250 strong, was compelled to surrender. Allen and his detachment thus became prisoners of war. They were at once sent over to England, where they were confined in Pendennis Castle. Meanwhile General Montgomery was besieging forts St. John and Chambly. Both these fortresses, after a brief and ineffectual resistance, were compelled to surrender. Nearly all the regulars in Canada thus became prisoners of war, and there was nothing to prevent the Americans from advancing upon Montreal, which they at once proceeded to do. To defend it with any hope of success was utterly out of the question, and Carleton, anticipating Montgomery's intention, burned and destroyed all the public stores, and left the town by one way just as the Americans entered at the other. During the night he had a narrow escape from the enemy, who were encamped at Sorel, and whose sentinels he had to pass in an open boat. This he successfully accomplished, and arrived at Quebec on the 19th of November. He hastily made the most judicious arrangements in his power for the defence of the place. He expelled from the city all those who were disaffected. Arnold had meanwhile made his desolate march through the wilderness, and though his forces had suffered terrible privations, and had been greatly reduced in number by starvation and other perils of the march, he was now in a position to coöperate with Montgomery. The united forces succeeded in gaining the city on the 4th of December, and after concocting their plans, they divided their strength, so as to attack the city in several places. The siege lasted throughout the month. Montgomery waited for a night of unusual darkness to make a daring attempt upon the city from the south. Arnold entrenched himself on the opposite side of the city. The provisions of the besiegers began to fail, their regiments were being depleted by sickness, and their light guns made but little impression on the massive walls. At last an assault was ordered. It took place before dawn on the 31st of December (1775). In the midst of a heavy snow storm Arnold advanced through the Lower Town from his quarters near the St. Charles River, and led his 800 New Englanders and Virginians over two or three barricades. The Montreal Bank and several other massive stone houses were filled with British regulars, who guarded the approaches with such a deadly fire that Arnold's men were forced to take refuge in the adjoining houses, while Arnold himself was badly wounded and carried to the rear. Meanwhile Montgomery was leading his New Yorkers and Continentals north along Champlain Street by the river side. The intention was for the two attacking columns, after driving the enemy from the Lower Town, to unite before the Prescott Gate, and carry it by storm. A strong barricade was stretched across Champlain Street from the cliff to the river; but when its guards saw the great masses of the attacking column advancing through the twilight, they fled. In all probability Montgomery would have crossed the barricade, delivered Arnold's men by attacking the enemy in the rear, escaladed Prescott Gate, and gained temporary possession of the place, but that one of the fleeing Canadians, impelled by a strange caprice, turned quickly back and fired the cannon which stood loaded on the barricade. Montgomery and many of his officers and men were struck down by the shot, and the column broke up in panic and fled. The British forces were now concentrated on Arnold's men, who were hemmed in by a sortie from the Palace Gate, and 426 officers and men were made prisoners. The remnant of the American army was compelled to retreat to some distance from the city. On being reinforced, however, during the winter, they made a stand for another attack on Quebec, but disease and famine at last compelled them to retreat. In the spring, reinforcements arrived from England, and Carleton having first possessed himself of Crown Point, launched a fleet on Lake Champlain, which, after several actions, completely annihilated that of the Americans. Further reinforcements soon afterwards arrived from England under the command of Major-General Burgoyne, who thenceforward took the military command. He succeeded in gaining some rather unimportant victories, but was finally compelled to surrender at Saratoga, with his force of 6,000 men. This may be said to have put an end to the war. The French Government recognized the new Republic as an independent nation, and all hope of keeping the latter under British subjection was abandoned.

Governor Carleton, who had done so much to preserve Canada from falling into the hands of the Americans, and whose efforts, considering his limited resources, had been almost incredibly successful, was not a little chagrined at being superseded in his military command. He considered that he had been slighted by the Government, and that his brilliant successes had merited a different reward. And he was right. To him, more than to any other man, is due the praise of having prevented Canada from becoming, at least for the time, a part of the American Republic. Mr. J. M. Lemoine, the historian of Quebec, pays a well-merited compliment to his memory. "Had the fate of Canada on that occasion," says Mr. Lemoine, "been confided to a Governor less wise, less conciliating than Guy Carleton, doubtless the 'brightest gem in the colonial Crown of Britain' would have been one of the stars of Columbia's banner; the star-spangled banner would now be floating on the summit of Cape Diamond."

With a heart smarting under a keen, if not loudly-expressed sense of injustice, Carleton demanded his recall. His successor, Major-General Haldimand, having arrived in Canada in July, 1778, Carleton surrendered the reins of Government to him and proceeded to England. The ministry of the day, however, mollified his resentment, and paid assiduous court to him. Various honours and substantial emoluments were conferred upon him. In 1786 he was raised to the peerage of Great Britain, by the title of Baron Dorchester of Dorchester, in the County of Oxford — a title still borne by his descendant, the fourth Baron. During the same year he was requested to once more take charge of the Canadian Administration. He consented, and came over to this country as Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's forces in America. He retained both these positions for ten years — a period marked by many important civil reforms, and by the passing of the Constitutional Act of 1791, whereby Canada was divided into two separate Provinces. Lord Dorchester's tenure of office tended to still further endear him to the Canadian people, and to this day his name is held in affectionate remembrance by the inhabitants of the Lower Province where he resided. He took his final departure from our shores in the summer of 1796, amid the heartfelt regret of the people over whose affairs he had so long presided. Upon reaching England he retired to private life, and did not again take any prominent part in public affairs. His old age, like that of King Lear, was "frosty, but kindly," and for twelve years he lived a life of cheerful and dignified repose. He continued to correspond with friends in Canada, and in one of his letters, still extant, expresses a wish to revisit the scenes of his past achievements, and mayhap to lay his bones among them. The wish, however, was not gratified. He died, after a brief illness, on the 10th of November, 1808, in his 83rd year.

He married, on the 22nd of May, 1772, Maria, daughter of Thomas, second Earl of Effingham, by whom he had a family of seven children. His three eldest sons died in his lifetime. He was succeeded by his grandson, Arthur Henry, son of his third son, Christopher.

THE HON. WILLIAM PEARCE HOWLAND,

C.B., K.C.M.G

Among the hundred passengers who landed from the Mayflower at Plymouth Rock, on the 22nd of December, 1620, was a God-fearing Quaker named John Howland. He seems to have been unmarried at the time of his emigration; or at any rate his wife, if he had one, did not accompany him on the expedition. He settled in the colony of Massachusetts Bay, and left behind him a numerous progeny, whose descendants are to be found at the present day in nearly every State of the Union. From him, we understand, the subject of this sketch claims descent. The father of Sir William was Mr. Jonathan Howland, a resident of Dutchess County, in the State of New York. The latter was in early life a farmer, but subsequently engaged in commercial pursuits at Greenbush, in Rensselaer County, on the west bank of the Hudson River. He died at Cape Vincent, Jefferson County, in the year 1842. The maiden name of Sir William's mother was Lydia Pearce. Her family resided in Dutchess County, and were well-known and influential citizens. This lady still survives, and has attained the great age of ninety-four years. Soon after the death of her husband she took up her abode in Toronto, where she has ever since resided.

The subject of this sketch, who was the eldest son of his parents, was born at the town of Paulings, Dutchess County, New York, on the 29th of May, 1811. He was brought up to farm work, but early displayed an aptitude for commercial life. After attending at a public school, and afterwards for a short time at the Kinderhook Academy, he determined to embark in a mercantile career. In the autumn of the year 1830, when he was barely nineteen years of age, he came to Canada, and settled in the village of Cooksville, on Dundas Street, in the township of Toronto. Here he obtained a situation as assistant in a country store of the period. In this store was kept the post-office for the village, the management of which largely devolved upon his own shoulders. The postal system in this Province had not then been very elaborately systematized. The mails for the whole of the western part of the Province passed over this route. The mail-matter for the different offices was not classified, but thrown into a bag, from which each successive postmaster selected such matter as was addressed to his office. The state of the roads was generally such that the mails had to be carried on horseback. Young Mr. Howland's duties required him to get up at one o'clock in the morning to receive the mail, which arrived at Cooksville at that hour. He was accustomed to select the mail-matter himself from the bag, after which he would hand the outgoing mail to the carrier, who then passed on westwardly to Dundas and Hamilton. Such was the primitive method of handling His Majesty's mail in Upper Canada in the year of grace 1830. It is scarcely to be wondered at that Mr. Howland, after such practical experience of the necessity for reform, should have allied himself with the Reform Party when he began to take a share in the politics of the country.

His share in politics, however, lay as yet far distant. For some years he devoted himself exclusively to laying the foundation of the princely fortune which he subsequently realized. A man with such a remarkable faculty for success in mercantile life was not likely to remain long an assistant in a country store. Erelong we find him embarked in business on his own account, in partnership with his younger brother, Mr. P. Howland, now of Lambton Mills. Their operations were conducted with the most careful circumspection, and were so successful that they soon had several establishments in the townships of Toronto and Chinguacousy. In addition to a general commercial business they engaged in lumbering, rafting, the manufacture of potash, and other pursuits incident to pioneer mercantile life. Their operations increased in volume yearly, and they became, both commercially and otherwise, men of mark in their district. The subject of this sketch for some time kept the post office at Stanley's Mills. Although the quantity of matter distributed by the mails was infinitesimal in those days as compared with the present, a country postmaster had no sinecure. The greatest difficulty he had to encounter was the collection of postage on letters. Those, be it remembered were the days of high postage. The rate on a single-weight letter from Great Britain to Upper Canada was 5s. 9d. sterling — equal, in round numbers, to about $1.50. From Quebec, the rate was 1s. 6d. sterling; and the rates from other places were proportionate. There was little money in the Province, and commercial transactions largely took the form of barter. The postmaster was constantly compelled to give credit, for it was an altogether exceptional thing for a settler to have so large a sum as 5s. 9d. in ready money; and to refuse to deliver mail-matter to a poor but deserving settler would have been neither gracious nor politic for a man keeping a country store. In this way the postmaster was frequently compelled to wait for his money for a year, and he was fortunate if he was not then compelled to receive payment in ashes or produce.

At the time of the rebellion Mr. Howland had become a prosperous man, and his operations were still extending. There was a good deal of feeling in his neighbourhood that Mr. Mackenzie had been badly used by the Family Compact Party, and that many reforms were needed in the body politic. A deputation of these malcontents waited upon Mr. Howland, and endeavoured to enlist him in the insurrection which broke out in December, 1837. Mr. Howland, however, was too wise to connect himself with an enterprise which never had any chance of being permanently successful. Moreover, he had not then been naturalized, and as an alien, he did not deem that he had any right to engage in political contests of any kind. His naturalization took place soon after the Union of the Provinces. He did not, however, take any very active part in the periodical election contests until the general election of 1848, when Mr. James Hervey Price successfully opposed the Conservative candidate in the West Riding of the county of York, just prior to the formation of the second Baldwin-Lafontaine Administration. Mr. Howland's sympathies were with the Reform Party, and he worked hard to secure Mr. Price's return. He thenceforward took a not inactive part in all the election contests, and always on the side of the Reform Party, with which he became identified. He had meanwhile removed to Toronto, and had embarked in a large wholesale business, with large interests in the produce, milling, and other branches of trade. Among his commercial friends he enjoyed a high reputation for capacity and genuine business worth. He became a magnate among the wholesale merchants of Toronto, and amassed a fine fortune which has steadily augmented. His political views became more pronounced, and he supported the wing of the Reform Party led by Mr. Brown after the disruption in its ranks. He soon came to be looked upon as an eligible candidate for Parliament. His eligibility was proved at the general elections of 1857, when he was returned to the Assembly by the constituency of West York, in which he had resided for many years. He continued to sit for that constituency during the whole of his Parliamentary career, which was terminated by his acceptance, in 1868, of the Lieutenant-Governorship of Ontario.

In Parliament, though a steady supporter of the Reform Party, Mr. Howland was by no means demonstrative in enforcing his views, and was doubtless valued as a party man chiefly because of his respectability and personal influence. When the Reform Party came into power in April, 1862, under the leadership of the Hon. John Sandfield Macdonald and Louis Victor Sicotte, Mr. Howland was offered the post of Minister of Finance, which he accepted and held for a year, when he was succeeded by the Hon. Luther H. Holton in the Macdonald-Dorion Cabinet, which was then formed. In that Cabinet Mr. Howland was assigned the office of Receiver-General. He held this position until the defeat of the Government in 1864. He was not a member of the Coalition Government as formed in June of that year, and consequently was not present either at the Charlottetown Convention, which assembled on the 1st of September, or at the famous Quebec Conference that met on the 10th of the following month, at which, during eighteen days' deliberation, the "Seventy-two resolutions" were agreed to. He was, however, an active and most influential supporter of the Reform wing of the Coalition; and on the elevation of the Hon. Mr. Mowat to the Bench in November, 1864, he succeeded that gentleman as Postmaster-General, and became a member of the Executive Council. He continued to be Postmaster-General until the retirement of the Hon. Alexander T. Galt in August, 1866, when he succeeded the latter as Finance Minister. This office he held till the Union, when, on the formation of the first Dominion Government, on the 1st of July, 1867, he was appointed a member of the Privy Council, and Minister of Inland Revenue.

In the discharge of his public duties while a Minister of the Crown, Mr. Howland accompanied Mr. Galt on the mission to Washington, in 1865, concerning the then proposed renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty. This mission is memorable for its political rather than its commercial results, for while with respect to the latter it merely taught Canada that she must rely upon herself, with respect to the former it almost led to the breaking up of the Coalition, and to the indefinite postponement of Confederation. That these grave political results were merely threatened, instead of having become realities, was largely due to Mr. Howland, who, considering the gravity of the situation, and endorsing, also, the Cabinet policy on the Reciprocity question, refused to follow his leader out of the Government. He accepted instead a commission to fill up the vacancy created by Mr. Brown's resignation with an Upper Canada Reformer, thereby preserving the balance of parties as established in 1864. Mr. Howland was one of the three delegates representing Upper Canada at the London Conference at which the Union Act was framed; and for his services there, as well as generally for the prominent part he had taken in promoting Confederation, he was one of the two Upper Canada Ministers decorated with the Order of the Companionship of the Bath, on the 1st of July, 1867.

There was another conference which Mr. Howland attended in 1867, and one of much political significance — the great Reform Convention held at Toronto in June, for the purpose of reuniting the Reform Party and abolishing the alliance with the Conservatives. Messrs. Howland and McDougall were both present, and vigorously contended against the restoration of party lines on the old basis; and their course there and subsequently at political gatherings throughout the country no doubt did much towards determining the result of the general election held during the summer of that year.

The work of confederating the British American Provinces was one of compromise among the statesmen, the political parties and the people concerned. Nobody, perhaps, got exactly what he wanted; no Province secured the full realization of its own views; no political party was able to put its hand upon the scheme, as first framed at Quebec in 1864, or as subsequently re-modelled in London in 1866-67, and say, "this is exactly what we wanted." Concessions were made to Conservative opinion and to Reform opinion; to Protestant feeling and to Catholic feeling; to the necessities of the several Provinces according to geographical or other reasons; and in a great degree to the divergent views on constitutional government held by the representative men who took part in the negotiations. When, therefore, Mr. Howland, who had been a leading spirit at the inception of the scheme, claimed that those who had so far matured it as to fit it for the consideration and judgment of the Canadian Legislature had deserved well of their country for the political and personal sacrifices they had made in the cause of general harmony, he claimed no more than was due to him and his colleagues, and no more than was, at the time, freely accorded by their supporters.

Mr. Howland's health, which had not been very robust for several years, became so enfeebled that he desired to retire from the double drudgery of Parliamentary and Ministerial life; and in July, 1868, he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Ontario, which position had been, from the Union up to that time, held by Major-General Stisted, under an ad interim appointment similar to that which had been conferred on the first Lieutenant-Governors of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Concerning Mr. Howland's tenure of office as Lieutenant-Governor there is nothing to be said except that he discharged his duties with ability, and with acceptance to the people. He continued to be Lieutenant-Governor until the month of November, 1873. In 1875 his services were again called into requisition by the Government of the day to report on the route of the Baie Verte Canal.

On the 24th of May, 1879, Mr. Howland was created a Knight of the Order of St. Michael and St. George, by the present Governor-General, acting on behalf of the Sovereign.

He still continues to superintend the most important details of his great wholesale commercial business in Toronto, and in his seventieth year preserves a physical and intellectual vigour such as is seldom found in persons who have passed middle age. He is President of the Ontario Bank, and of various prosperous mercantile and insurance companies. He has been twice married. His first wife, whom he married in 1843, was formerly a Mrs. Webb, of Toronto. She survived her marriage about six years. By this lady he has several children, one of whom is a partner in the business, which is carried on under the style of Sir William P. Howland & Co. Sir William's second wife, whom he married in 1866, was the widow of the late Captain Hunt, of Toronto.

THE MOST REV. MICHAEL HANNAN, D.D.,

R. C. ARCHBISHOP OF HALIFAX

The successor of the late Archbishop Connolly was born at Kilmallock, in the county of Limerick, Ireland, on the 21st of July, 1821. He received his education at various schools in his native land, and in 1840, when he was nineteen years of age, he emigrated to the Province of Nova Scotia, where he has ever since resided. Soon after arriving in the Province he was appointed a teacher in St. Mary's College, which had then recently been established in Halifax by Dean O'Brien. While holding that position he studied theology, and in 1845 was ordained to the priesthood. He has ever since been an assiduous promoter of education, and of the interests of the faith which he professes. His labours have been conducted with a quiet energy which has been productive of not unimportant results, but which has not been the means of making him widely known, as his distinguished predecessor was, beyond the limits of Nova Scotia. In or about the year 1853 he founded a Society of St. Vincent de Paul in Halifax, over which he thenceforward exercised a personal supervision. He subsequently became Vicar-General of the Diocese of Halifax, an office which he held for some years, and in the exercise of which he displayed the same quiet zeal which characterizes all his public actions. Upon his retirement he was presented with an address, numerously signed by Protestants, as well as by the adherents of his own faith, expressive of strong regret for his resignation, and of appreciation of his services.

Upon the death of Archbishop Connolly, on the 27th of July, 1876, all the Roman Catholic bishops of the Province united in signing a recommendation to His Holiness in favour of Dr. Hannan's appointment to the Archiepiscopal See of Halifax. The recommendation was acted upon, and on the morning of Sunday, the 20th of May, 1877, he was consecrated and installed at St. Mary's Cathedral, Halifax, with imposing ceremonies, Bishop Conroy, Papal delegate, acting as consecrating bishop. His tenure of office has not been marked by any event of special interest to the public. He devotes himself to the duties pertaining to his high office, is kind and benevolent to the suffering poor among his flock, and continues to interest himself in the cause of education, though, unlike his predecessor, he is in favour of separate educational training for Protestants and Roman Catholics. "Dr. Hannan's mind," says a contemporary writer, "is of a different stamp from that of his illustrious predecessor — not different in degree, but in mould. Archbishop Connolly was emotional and impetuous, fervid and eloquent, with a clear head and a warm Irish heart, which sometimes carried him away. Dr. Hannan, on the other hand, is calm and equable, with a judgment naturally sound and solid, a temper not easily ruffled, and a sagacity seldom at fault."

GEORGE PAXTON YOUNG, M.A

The life of Professor Young has been even less eventful than commonly falls to the lot of persons of purely scholastic pursuits. He was born on the 28th of November, 1818, at the border town of Berwick-upon-Tweed — one of the few walled towns to be found in Great Britain at the present day. In his boyhood he attended the schools of his native town, whence he passed to the High School of Edinburgh. He subsequently entered the Edinburgh University, and attended the lectures of Professor Wilson — the "Christopher North" of Blackwood's Magazine— who then occupied the Chair of Moral Philosophy there. During his early years he was an industrious student, and displayed that great aptitude for mathematical and philosophical inquiry by which his subsequent career has been distinguished. After obtaining his degree he was for some time employed as a mathematical teacher in the Dollar Academy, Clackmannanshire. After the Disruption of the Scottish National Church, in 1843, he entered the Theological Hall of the Free Church, which had just been opened at Edinburgh, and became a candidate for the ministry, attending the lectures of the late Dr. Chalmers and other eminent divines. After his admission to the ministry he was placed in charge of the Martyr's Church, Paisley, but remained there only a few months, having resolved to emigrate to Canada where he had many friends among the ministers and members of the Presbyterian Church. This resolution was carried out in 1848. Immediately upon his arrival in this country he was inducted into the pastorate of Knox Church, Hamilton, where he remained three years, at the expiration of which he resigned his charge, and accepted the Professorship of Mental and Moral Philosophy in Knox College, Toronto. His fondness for philosophical studies, and his wide acquaintance with philosophical literature, marked him out as peculiarly fitted for such a position. The sphere of his duties gradually widened, and in addition to Mental and Moral Philosophy and Logic, he soon had under his charge Exegetical Theology and the Evidences of Christianity — departments which are now in charge of Principal Caven and Professor Gregg.

During his Professorship in Knox College, Professor Young contributed some remarkable papers on philosophical subjects to the pages of the Canadian Journal. One of these, containing a brief exposition of some points in the Hamiltonian philosophy of matter, reached the hands of Sir William Hamilton himself, the most eminent exponent of the Scottish philosophy. The latter was so impressed by the merits of the paper that he addressed to the author a long and very complimentary letter, in which he bore testimony to Professor Young's power of grasping and elucidating the most abstruse points in a philosophical system of which he was not the originator. Such a testimony, from such a source, must have been highly gratifying to Professor Young, for Sir William was not a man given to wasting his words, and would certainly not have written such a letter to a stranger had he not been very greatly impressed by the merits of the article in the Journal. Various other articles from his pen have from time to time appeared in the same periodical, and every one of them bears the stamp of a mind which, to parody Iago's well-known saying, is "nothing if not mathematical." While on the subject of authorship it may be mentioned that in 1854 a theological work from his pen was published at Edinburgh, under the title of "Miscellaneous Discourses and Expositions of Scripture." In 1862 he published in the Home and Foreign Record a paper on "The Philosophical Principles of Natural Religion," which evoked much favourable comment alike from the religious and secular press at the time of its publication.

After discharging his professorial duties in connection with Knox College for about ten years with much zeal, and with great satisfaction to all persons concerned, Professor Young resigned his position on the Staff. In taking this important step he gave proof of an honesty and a genuine manliness of purpose which are worthy of the highest commendation. His philosophical researches had brought about a state of mind which, in his own opinion, rendered him unsuited to the position of a teacher of divinity. He was no longer in entire sympathy with the doctrines which he was called upon to expound to the students. How far the divergence extended we have no means of knowing, nor is it a question into which the public have any right to inquire. A man's theological beliefs are between himself and his Maker. It is sufficient to say that Professor Young resigned his Professorship and his connection with the ministry, and this without having any other means of livelihood in prospect. "His course," says a contemporary writer, "was characterized by an amount of intellectual candour and moral courage which do him credit, and is in striking contrast with the practice of those who, on finding themselves at variance with the communion to which they belong, and in the attitude of drifting away from their dogmatic moorings, have neither the discretion to await in silence the end of their own intellectual struggle, nor the courage of their convictions, and the resolution requisite for placing themselves at any sacrifice in a position to speak and act on them without restraint." He soon afterwards found a suitable field for the exercise of his talents. The position of Inspector of Grammar Schools was offered to, and accepted by him, and for more than four years he discharged the duties of that office with a diligence and success which have been attended with great benefit to the public, and which have won wide recognition. His tenure of office, indeed, may be said to mark an important epoch in the educational history of this Province. At the time of his appointment, the Grammar School system was singularly inefficient. The fact of its inefficiency had long been acknowledged by leading educationists, but no one had indicated anything like an adequate remedy. Mr. Young's official reports not only exposed the defects of the system, but suggested the requisite legislation whereby those defects might be removed. His reports for the years 1866 and 1867 were deemed of sufficient importance to be published in full in the Chief Superintendent's Report for the latter year, and they were the means of bringing about a revolution in the whole Grammar School system. Most of the suggestions embodied in them have since been acted upon by the Legislature, and the School Acts of 1871, 1874 and 1877 are to a large extent founded upon them.

Having accomplished so much, Professor Young resigned his Inspectorship, and once more accepted the position of Professor of Philosophy in Knox College, but his duties during his second tenure of the Professorship did not involve the teaching of Theology. Upon the death of the late Dr. Beaven, in 1871, he succeeded to the Chair of Metaphysics and Ethics in University College, Toronto, which he still retains. His incumbency has been marked by most gratifying results. The subjects taught by him are by many persons regarded as dry and uninteresting. Professor Young's lectures are so much the reverse of this that they are sometimes attended as a matter of choice by persons who never approach the building in which they are delivered for any other purpose. To render metaphysics and ethics acceptable to persons who have no special object to serve by pursuing such studies is an achievement of which any Professor might justly feel proud. His department, which was formerly the most unpopular in the University, has become one of those most resorted to by candidates for honours. He is equally popular as a teacher and as an examiner, and is said to be one of the most erudite of men in the literature of his department. He is also very eminent as a mathematician, and has made original discoveries in that branch of study which, in the estimation of persons who are capable of forming an opinion, entitle him to rank among the foremost of living investigators.

THE HON. TELESPHORE FOURNIER

Judge Fournier is the son of William Fournier, of Bécancour, in the Province of Quebec. He was born at St. François, Rivière du Sud, Montmagny, in 1824, and was educated at Nicolet College, where he was a pupil of the Abbé Ferland. At an early age he entered the law office of the late Hon. R. E. Caron, as a student. At the age of twenty-two he was called to the Bar of Lower Canada. In 1857 he married Miss Demers. In 1863 he was created a Queen's Counsel, and in the course of his professional career has been Batonnier and President of the General Council of the Bar of the Province of Quebec. He was one of the principal editorial writers engaged on Le National, a Liberal journal which was published at Quebec in 1856-7-8. His writings were characterized by great breadth of view and vigour of expression, and his editorials exerted considerable influence. In 1854 he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Reform interest for the constituency of Montmagny, in the Canadian Assembly. In 1857 he contested an election for the same Chamber, for the City of Quebec, and was again defeated. He was an unsuccessful candidate for Stadacona Division in the Legislative Council in 1861, and for De la Durantaye division in the same House, in 1864. He was first returned to Parliament in 1870, when he was elected to the Commons for Bellechasse. This seat he held until his appointment to the Bench. He also sat for Montmagny in the Quebec Assembly from the general election of 1871 until the 7th of November, 1873, when he resigned, on taking office in Mr. Mackenzie's Administration as Minister of Inland Revenue. He was sworn of the Privy Council on that day, and on the 8th of July, 1874, was appointed Minister of Justice. On the 19th of May, 1875, he was transferred to the Postmaster-Generalship of the Dominion, where he remained until his elevation to the Bench, as a Puisné Judge of the Supreme Court, in October of the same year. Among the measures introduced and carried through Parliament by M. Fournier as Minister of Justice, the most notable are the Supreme Court Bill and the Insolvency Act of 1875. In his judicial capacity he has been concerned in two very important causes. The first of these is the famous Jacques Cartier contested election case, decided in April, 1878, in which Justices Taschereau and Henry coincided with Justice Fournier in the opinion that the seat of the Hon. Mr. Laflamme should not be vacated, and that the appeal should be dismissed. The Charlevoix contested election case forms the second. Justice Strong delivered an elaborate judgment, sustaining the plea of the Hon. Hector L. Langevin, that judgments as preliminary objections were not appealable. Justices Fournier and Taschereau dissented from this opinion, but Chief-Justice Richards and Justice Henry concurring, Mr. Langevin was confirmed in his seat.

THE HON. WILLIAM OSGOODE

In view of the fact that this gentleman's name has a very fair chance of immortality in this Province, it is to be regretted that so little is accurately known about him, and that only the merest outline of his career has come down to the present times. Many Canadians would gladly know something more of the life of the first man who filled the important position of Chief Justice of Upper Canada, and the desire for such knowledge is by no means confined to members of the legal profession. He was the faithful friend and adviser of our first Lieutenant-Governor, and it is doubtless to his legal acumen that we owe those eight wise statutes which were passed during the first session of our first Provincial Parliament, which assembled at Newark on the 17th of September, 1792.

Nothing is definitely known concerning Chief-Justice Osgoode's ancestry. A French-Canadian writer asserts that he was an illegitimate son of King George the Third. No authority whatever is assigned in support of this assertion, which probably rests upon no other basis than vague rumour. Similar rumours have been current with respect to the paternity of other persons who have been more or less conspicuous in Canada, and but little importance should be attached to them. He was born in the month of March, 1754, and entered as a commoner at Christchurch College, Oxford, in 1770, when he had nearly completed his sixteenth year. After a somewhat prolonged attendance at this venerable seat of learning, he graduated and received the degree of Master of Arts in the month of July, 1777. Previous to this time he had entered himself as a student at the Inner Temple, having already been enrolled as a student on the books of Lincoln's Inn. He seems at this time to have been possessed of some small means, but not sufficient for his support, and he pursued his professional studies with such avidity as temporarily to undermine his health. He paid a short visit to the Continent, and returned to his native land with restored physical and mental vigour. In due course he was called to the Bar, and soon afterwards published a technical work on the law of descent, which attracted some notice from the profession. He soon became known as an erudite and painstaking lawyer, whose opinions were entitled to respect, and who was very expert as a special pleader. At the Bar he was less successful, owing to an almost painful fastidiousness in his choice of words, which frequently produced an embarrassing hesitation of speech. He seems to have been a personal friend of Colonel Simcoe, even before that gentleman's appointment as Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, and their intimacy may possible have had something to do with Mr. Osgoode's appointment as Chief-Justice of the new Province in the spring of 1792. He came over in the same vessel with the Governor, who sailed on the 1st of May. Upon reaching Upper Canada the Governor and staff, after a short stay at Kingston, passed on to Newark (now Niagara). The Chief-Justice accompanied the party, and took up his abode with them at Navy Hall, where he continued to reside during the greater part of his stay in the Province, which was of less than three years' duration. The solitude of his position, and his almost complete isolation from society, and from the surroundings of civilized life, seem to have been unbearable to his sensitive and social nature. In 1795 he was appointed Chief-Justice of the Lower Province, where he continued to occupy the Judicial Bench until 1801, when he resigned his position, and returned to England. His services as Chief-Justice entitled him to a pension of £800 per annum, which he continued to enjoy for rather more than twenty-two years. For historical purposes, his career may be said to have ceased with his resignation, as he never again emerged from the seclusion of private life. He was several times requested to enter Parliament, but declined to do so. During the four years immediately succeeding his return to England he resided in the Temple. In 1804, upon the conversion of Melbourne House — a mansion in the West End of London — into the fashionable set of chambers known as "The Albany," he took up his quarters there for the remainder of his life. Among other distinguished men who resided there contemporaneously with him were Lord Brougham and Lord Byron. The latter occupied the set of chambers immediately adjoining those of the retired Chief-Justice, and the two became personally acquainted with each other; though, considering the diversity of their habits, it is not likely that any very close intimacy was established between them. In conjunction with Sir William Grant, Mr. Osgoode was appointed on several legal commissions. One of these consisted of the codification of certain Imperial Statutes relating to the colonies. Another involved an inquiry into the amount of fees receivable by certain officials in the Court of King's Bench, which inquiry was still pending at the time of Mr. Osgoode's death. He lived very much to himself, though he was sometimes seen in society. He died of acute pneumonia, on the 17th of January, 1824, in the seventieth year of his age. One of his intimate friends has left the following estimate of his character: — "His opinions were independent, but zealously loyal; nor were they ever concealed, or the defence of them abandoned, when occasions called them forth. His conviction of the excellence of the English Constitution sometimes made him severe in the reproof of measures which he thought injurious to it; but his politeness and good temper prevented any disagreement, even with those whose sentiments were most opposed to his own. To estimate his character rightly, it was, however, necessary to know him well; his first approaches being cold, amounting almost to dryness. But no person admitted to his intimacy ever failed to conceive for him that esteem which his conduct and conversation always tended to augment. He died in affluent circumstances, the result of laudable prudence, without the smallest taint of avarice or illiberal parsimony."

He was never married. There is a story about an attachment formed by him to a young lady of Quebec, during his residence there. It is said that the lady preferred a wealthier suitor, and that he never again became heart-whole. This, like the other story above mentioned, rests upon mere rumour, and is entitled to the credence attached to other rumours of a similar nature. His name is perpetuated in this Province by that of the stately Palace of Justice on Queen Street West, Toronto; also by the name of a township in the county of Carleton.

THE HON. WILLIAM MORRIS

At the present day, the name of the Hon. William Morris is less frequently in men's mouths than it was half a century ago, but it is a name of much significance to any one familiar with the ecclesiastical history of this country. There was a time when there were three prominent political leaders in Western Canada, agreeing in no respect but in the possession of great abilities and indomitable energy. These were John Beverley Robinson, who led the Church of England party, better known by the name of the "Family Compact;" Egerton Ryerson, who headed the Methodist, which was then the Liberal party; and William Morris, who led the Scotch Presbyterians with all the gravity and sagacity which are usually attributed to that class and creed. The first and last named of these leaders were in Parliament, and guided its rival parties. The second, from the lobby and the press, exercised, perhaps, greater influence than either. Mr. Robinson was the most accomplished, Mr. Ryerson the most versatile, and Mr. Morris the most determined and persevering. Mr. Robinson contended for the supremacy of the Church of England, and her exclusive right to the Clergy Reserves, with the hauteur of a cavalier. Mr. Ryerson, in seeking a share of all good things for his co-religionists, identified them with the people, and consequently had it in his power to use the strong plea for equal justice, which finally prevailed. Mr. Morris sought a share of the Clergy Reserves for his own Church only, upon the plea that the Church of Scotland was, by the Act of Union between England and Scotland, as much an established Church as the Church of England. There have been many exciting times in the history of Canada, but none has called forth more powerful exhibitions of feeling, or, we may add, more ability than the Clergy Reserve struggle — when the Upper Canada Parliament sat at Little York, with the gentlemen above named for its leaders, and when the press was directed by Messieurs Ryerson, Mackenzie, Cary and Collins. Nor did the then leaders sink into oblivion. Mr. Robinson became Chief Justice of Upper Canada, an office which he filled with credit from the time of his appointment in 1829 down to his death in January, 1863, embracing a period of nearly thirty-four years. Mr. Ryerson became Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada, in which capacity he served his country faithfully from 1844 to 1876. Mr. Morris became Receiver-General of United Canada, an office in which it would have been well for the country if he could have been permanently retained. Possessed of an integrity which gave perfect security that he would participate in no jobs himself, he had at the same time that knowledge of men and of business, that patient industry, and that discriminating judgment which would permit no others to peculate. He was a model Receiver-General. Such is the characterization of an able and discriminating writer of twenty and odd years ago, and his remarks will stand the test of time. The late Mr. Morris was not, perhaps, what would be called a man of modern ideas, but he was a man of stainless honour and thorough conscientiousness of purpose. He initiated one of the most important movements known to Canadian history, and took a foremost part in the agitation consequent thereupon. He left his mark upon his time, and transmitted to his posterity a name which is justly held in respect. For the following particulars of his career, we are largely indebted to his eldest son, the Hon. Alexander Morris, who has himself attained to a high place in public life, and whose career has been sketched in a former portion of this work.

The subject of this memoir was born at Paisley, in Lanarkshire, Scotland, on the 31st of October, 1786. When he was about fifteen years of age he emigrated to Upper Canada with his parents, who settled in Montreal, where his father embarked in a general mercantile business. This business involved a considerable shipping interest, and was carried on by Mr. Morris the elder for some years with much success. In process of time a catastrophe occurred which materially crippled his resources, and rendered it necessary that he should resort to a new and hitherto untried occupation. Having lost a homeward bound ship in the Straits of Belle Isle, and no part of the cargo having been insured, owing to the carelessness of an agent, and having sustained other heavy losses, he was compelled to close his business in Montreal, and retire to a farm near Brockville. In 1809 he died, leaving large debts in Montreal and in Glasgow. His son William, the subject of this sketch, remained at Brockville with his brother and the younger members of the family, helping to support them by his exertions, till the war of 1812 with the United States commenced, when he left his business and joined a militia flank company as an Ensign, having received his commission from General Brock. In October of that year he volunteered, with Lieutenant-Colonel Lethbridge, in the attack of the British forces on Ogdensburg, and commanded the only militia gun-boat that sustained injury, one man having been killed and another wounded at his side by a cannon shot. In 1813 he was present at and took an active part in the capture of Ogdensburg, having been detached in command of a party to take possession of the old French fort then at that place — an achievement which he successfully accomplished. His comrades in arms, some of whom are still living, speak in high terms of his soldierly bearing, and of the affection with which he inspired his men, during this early portion of his career. He continued to serve till 1814, when a large body of troops having arrived in the Colony from the Peninsula, he left the militia service, and returned to Brockville, to assist his brother in the management of the business there.

In 1816, he proceeded with the military and emigrant settlers to the Military Settlement near the Rideau, and there commenced mercantile business, at what is now the substantial and prosperous town of Perth, but which was then a wilderness. He continued for some years to bestow his active attention on the mercantile business conducted at Perth by himself, and at Brockville by his brother, the late Mr. Alexander Morris. In 1820 an incident took place that marked the character of the man, and was an index to all his future career. In that year, he and his brother received two handsome pieces of plate from the creditors of their late father in Glasgow, for having voluntarily, and without solicitation, paid in full all the debts owing by the estate. Such respect for a father's memory indicated a high-toned rectitude that deserved and could not fail to command success. In this year, also, the political career of Mr. Morris commenced, he having been elected by the settlers to represent them in the Provincial Parliament. He soon took an active and prominent part in that assembly, and in 1820 took one of the leading steps in his political life, when he moved and carried an address to the King, asserting the claim of the Church of Scotland to a share of the Clergy Reserves under the Imperial Statute 31 Geo. III., cap. 31. With no hostility to the Church of England, but yet with a sturdy perseverance and a strong conviction of right, he urged the claims of his own Church, basing them upon the Act of Union between England and Scotland. The Colonial Government resisted his pretensions, but sixteen years afterwards the twelve Judges in England decided in effect that Mr. Morris was right. In 1835 he was elected for the sixth time consecutively to Parliament for the county of Lanark. In 1836 he was called to a seat in the Legislative Council of Upper Canada. In 1837 he proceeded to the Colonial Office, Downing Street, London, with a petition to the King and Parliament from the Scottish inhabitants of the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, asserting their claims to equal rights with those enjoyed by their fellow-subjects of English origin. He was selected for this mission by a meeting of delegates from all parts of the Province held at Cobourg. Subsequently he received from the Scottish inhabitants of the Province a handsome piece of plate, bearing an appropriate inscription as a token of their approbation of his public services.

During the troubles of 1837 and 1838 he was actively engaged in drilling and organizing the militia of the county of Lanark, of which he was Senior Colonel, and twice sent to the frontier detachments of several regiments, going in command on one occasion himself. In 1841 he was appointed Warden of the District of Johnstown, under the new Municipal Council Act, and carried the law into successful operation. In 1844, he was appointed a member of the Executive Council in Sir Charles Metcalfe's Administration, and also Receiver-General of the Province. He was a most efficient departmental officer, and proved himself to be what Lord Metcalfe described him — a valuable public servant. While Receiver-General, he introduced into that department a new system of management, and paid into the public chest while he held the office £11,000 as interest on the daily deposits of public money — an advantage to the public which had never before been attempted. In 1846 he resigned the office of Receiver-General, and was appointed President of the Executive Council, the duties of which office he discharged with great efficiency and vigour. In 1848, on the retirement of the Administration of which he was a member, he retired to private life, with health impaired by the assiduous attention he had given to his public duties. Till the year 1853, when he was seized with the disease which eventually terminated his career, he continued, when his health permitted, to take an active part in the proceedings of the Legislative Council.

He was a clear, logical, vigorous speaker, and was always listened to with respect; and having a very extensive knowledge of Parliamentary law and practice, he did much to establish the character of legislation in that branch of the Legislature of which he was so long a member; and owing to his high moral character and his firm adherence to principle, he wielded a very beneficial influence in that body. Few public men pass through a life as long as his was, and carry with them more of public confidence and respect than did Mr. Morris. He died on the 29th of June, 1858, in the seventy-second year of his age.

THE HON. THOMAS D'ARCY McGEE

Thomas D'Arcy McGee, one of the most brilliant orators known to Canadian Parliamentary history, was born at Carlingford, in the county of Louth, Ireland, on the 13th of April, 1825. He was the fifth child and second son of Mr. James McGee, an official in the Coast Guard Service, by his wife, Dorcas Catharine Morgan. The latter was the daughter of a bookseller in Dublin, who had been connected with the troubles of '98, and who had been brought to ruin and imprisonment as a member of that body known, by a strange misnomer, as "United Irishmen." The real or fancied wrongs of the patriotic bookseller had made a profound impression upon the susceptible mind of his daughter; an impression which was never effaced, and which descended, by hereditary transmission, to her children. The subject of this sketch, like his little brothers and sisters, was taught at a very early age to hate the name of the Saxon, and to long for the emancipation of Ireland from the thraldom of her hereditary foe. His paternal grandfather had also been a participant in the ill-advised attempt of Lord Edward Fitzgerald; and when James McGee accepted employment in the Coast Guard Service we may be sure that he was not actuated by any profound enthusiasm for the duties of his position. He seems, however, to have discharged those duties acceptably to his superior officers, and to have attained to a position which enabled him to provide a comfortable home for his family.

The wrongs of his country were nevertheless a fruitful theme of comment in James McGee's domestic circle, and the family traditions on both sides of the house were constantly retailed for the benefit of the younger members. Reared among such influences, it is not to be wondered at if young Thomas D'Arcy grew up to manhood without any very fervid sentiments of loyalty to the British crown. The mischief wrought by his early training was great, and was destined to exercise a baneful influence upon his future life. It was only after many years of severe discipline, and after he had reached an age to think and reflect for himself that he was able to unlearn the pernicious teachings of his childhood. He never ceased to regard the land of his birth with the affection of a large-hearted patriot, but he grew, in course of time, to rate at their true value the wild revolutionary projects which for many years impeded his intellectual advancement, and engrossed so large a share of his energies. He outgrew the follies of his early youth, and learned wisdom in the school of experience. He conceived nobler and more practical schemes for the advancement of the race from which he sprang; and there is abundant reason for believing that, had his life been spared, he would have developed into a broad and enlightened statesman. His untimely death was a loss to the "New Nationality" which he had helped to call into existence, and a grievous, almost irreparable loss to the Irish race in Canada. The assassin who sent him to his doom perpetrated a crime against humanity, but more especially against his fellow countrymen settled in this Dominion, when he shed the blood of Thomas D'Arcy McGee.

He was, of course, reared in the faith of his ancestors, and was throughout his life a zealous adherent of the Roman Catholic Church. He was christened, in honour of his godfather, Mr. Thomas D'Arcy, a gentleman who resided in the neighbourhood of Carlingford, and who was a personal friend of the family. His mother, who was possessed of a good education, took a pride in directing his infant studies, and by her he was taught to read and write. He seems to have been her favourite son, and he returned her affection with all the enthusiasm of an ardent and poetic nature. She was a melodious singer, and delighted to hold her little boy on her knee while she sang to him those heart-stirring old ballads which stir the blood like the blast of a trumpet. Sometime in 1833, when he was eight years of age, his father was promoted to a more lucrative office than he had previously held. This promotion necessitated the removal of the family to the historic old town of Wexford, where the subject of this sketch began to attend a day-school. We have no accurate information as to the course of study pursued by him, but as this establishment afforded the only scholastic training which he ever received, it is tolerably certain that he must have made good use of his time, for in after years he gave evidence of possessing a fair share of that peculiar knowledge which is seldom, if ever, acquired outside the walls of the schoolroom. The family had not long been settled at Wexford when it was deprived of its maternal head. The memory of his dead mother was ever afterwards cherished by young McGee with a hallowed fondness which found frequent expression. "Through all the changeful years of his after life," says Mrs. Sadlier, "her gentle memory shone like a star through the clouds and mists that never fail to gather round the path of advancing life."¹¹

Notwithstanding the hindrances under which his genius was developed, Thomas D'Arcy McGee from a very early age gave unmistakable evidence of the possession of uncommon abilities. He learned his lessons, whatever they were, with astonishing rapidity, and without any apparent mental effort. He was endowed with an ardent imagination, delighted in poetry, and had ever at command a flow of that brilliant eloquence and wit which are the especial birthright of so many of the sons of Erin. He read much, and remembered everything of importance that he read. He had an especial fondness for the history and literature of his native land, and was never weary of declaiming to his youthful associates about "Ireland's Golden Age." He lived an imaginative life, and indulged in all sorts of wild dreams about the future of his race. He had his full share of ambition, however, and saw no means whereby he could acquire fame and influence at home. Like many another clever young Irishman, he cast longing eyes across the Atlantic, to that favoured land where hundreds of thousands of his race have found refuge from the buffetings of adverse fortune. When he was seventeen years of age he emigrated to the United States, accompanied by one of his sisters. After a brief visit to a maternal aunt who resided at Providence, Rhode Island, he repaired to Boston, whither he arrived in the month of June, 1842. A few days later came the annual Fourth of July celebration, which afforded him an opportunity of addressing a large crowd of his fellow-countrymen. His various biographers unite in describing his eloquence on this occasion as something marvellous. When it is borne in mind that he was only seventeen years of age, and that his audience was chiefly composed of emotional Irishmen, ready to applaud any sentiment from the young orator's lips, so long as it was sufficiently anti-British in its tone, a considerable discount from the commonly-accepted estimate is permissible. The speech was probably a fervid, audacious, emotional effort, partaking largely of the "spread-eagle" character, and addressed to the prejudices of the audience rather than to their calm judgments. It answered the speaker's purpose, however, by attracting a due share of attention to himself. A day or two later he obtained employment on the staff of the Boston Pilot, a weekly newspaper which was then, as now, the chief exponent of Irish Roman Catholic opinion in New England, and which was then, and for many years afterwards, controlled and published by Mr. Patrick Donahoe. To its columns young McGee contributed some "slashing" articles, and numerous short poems on national subjects, all of which were eminently calculated to compel admiration from its readers. Two years later he succeeded to the chief editorship. He had meanwhile acquired a good deal of additional knowledge as to the proper functions of a journalist, and had adopted a somewhat more chastened style than he had brought with him across the Atlantic. He had also begun to make a figure on the lecture platform, and had thrown himself with great enthusiasm into the agitation on the subject of "Repeal," which was then at its height both in Ireland and in America. His efforts on behalf of this movement reached the ears of the great Liberator, Daniel O'Connell himself, who, at a public meeting held in Ireland, referred to young McGee's editorials and metrical effusions in the Pilot as "the inspired writings of a young exiled Irish boy in America." The result of the notoriety thus gained was an offer to Mr. McGee from the proprietor of the Freeman's Journal, of Dublin, to take the editorship of that widely-circulated paper. The offer was accepted, and early in 1845, at the age of twenty, our poet-journalist returned to his native land, and "took his place in the front rank of the Irish press." His connection with the Freeman's Journal, however, was not of long duration. The line of editorial action prescribed by the management was altogether too moderate for the radical young Irishman, who had had it all his own way during his three years' sojourn in the United States, and who believed himself well fitted to instruct his fellow-countrymen on all subjects, whether political or otherwise. Mr. O'Connell had laid down certain limits beyond which the National or Old Ireland Party must not pass. Of that Party the Journal was the accredited organ, and the editor thus found himself out of harmony with his position. The Liberator was too Conservative for him, and was seeking the enfranchisement of Ireland by what he regarded as too slow a process. Conceiving himself to be fully competent to instruct Mr. O'Connell as to the political necessities of Ireland, he was not disposed to submit to dictation. The doctrine of "moral force" advocated by the Journal had no charms for him. He was young, enthusiastic, and governed almost entirely by his imagination. After a brief interval he withdrew from his editorial position, and allied himself with the "Young Ireland" Party, as it was called. This alliance brought him into intimate relations with Mr. Charles Gavan Duffy, known to us of the present day as the Hon. Sir Charles Gavan Duffy, Speaker of the Legislative Assembly of Victoria, Australia. Mr. Duffy, in conjunction with Thomas Davis and John Dillon, had several years before this time established the Nation, at Dublin. The Nation was written with that brilliancy of genius and that absence of judgment which are not unfrequently found allied. It numbered among its contributors many of the brightest young spirits in Ireland. It went far beyond Mr. O'Connell and the Freeman's Journal in its demands, and notwithstanding the ability displayed in its columns, it was neither more nor less than a disseminator of sedition. With the fortunes of this paper, and of the "Young Ireland" Party whose platform it advocated, Mr. McGee now associated himself. His excuse, as well as that of most of his collaborateurs, is to be found in the attributes of youth. He himself had not completed his majority, and very few members of the party were ten years older. They were chiefly composed of briefless but brilliant young barristers, fiery journalists, and hot-headed students. Their scheme, in course of time, developed into an association which was grandiloquently styled "The Irish Confederation," towards one of the wings whereof Mr. McGee occupied the position of secretary. He contributed spirit-stirring ballads and editorials to the Nation, delivered vehement harangues to the committees, and went about as deep into the insurrection as Smith O'Brien himself. He was necessarily brought into intimate relations with Charles Gavan Duffy, who, in his recent work entitled "Young Ireland," thus describes the effect produced respectively upon himself and Davis by a first acquaintance with young Thomas D'Arcy McGee: "The young man was not prepossessing. He had a face of almost African type; his dress was slovenly, even for the careless class to which he belonged; he looked unformed, and had a manner which struck me as too deferential for self-respect. But he had not spoken three sentences in a singularly sweet and flexible voice till it was plain that he was a man of fertile brains and great originality: a man in whom one might dimly discover rudiments of the orator, poet and statesman hidden under this ungainly disguise. This was Thomas D'Arcy McGee. I asked him to breakfast on some early day at his convenience, and as he arrived one morning when I was engaged to breakfast with Davis, I took him with me, and he met for the first and last time a man destined to influence and control his whole life. When the Wicklow trip was projected, I told Davis I liked this new-comer and meant to invite him to accompany me. 'Well,' he said, 'your new friend has an Irish nature certainly, but spoiled, I fear, by the Yankees. He has read and thought a good deal, and I might have liked him better if he had not obviously determined to transact an acquaintance with me.'"

The French Revolution of February, 1848, rendered these misguided young men more impulsive and less discreet than ever, and they wrote, published and uttered the most bloodthirsty diatribes against the legitimate authorities. They held meetings at which motions of congratulation to the Provisional Government of France were passed. At one of these meetings Thomas Francis Meagher advocated the immediate erection of barricades and the invocation of the God of battles. Everybody knows the sequel, which would have been tragical had it not been so inexpressibly ludicrous. The Confederation appointed a formidable War Directory, and the redoubtable O'Brien himself took the field at the head of his troops. It was a perilous time for the hated Saxon, but somehow or other the hated Saxon did not seem to realize his danger. When the insurgents broke out into open rebellion, a few policemen were sent out against the portentous Confederacy, which was soon scattered and dispersed to the four winds. O'Brien himself was arrested in a cabbage garden near Ballingarry. He was tried on a charge of high treason, convicted, and sentenced to death. The sentence was commuted to transportation for life, and as soon as the Government could do so with any show of decency, it permitted him and his fellow-rebels to return to their native land. The subsequent history of some of the leaders in this insurrection is instructive, as showing how little unanimity of sentiment there was among them, and how little fitted they were to be entrusted with the management of a great enterprise. O'Brien had already shown by his unconstitutional conduct in Parliament that he was lamentably devoid of self-control and common sense. A man labouring under such deficiencies may very safely be left to destroy his own influence in his own way. While in exile he fretted and fumed, but, unlike some of his colleagues, had the manliness to keep his parole. It must be confessed, however, that his motive for keeping it was not of the highest. He kept it, according to his own admission, merely because he did not want to do anything that would render it impossible for him to return to Ireland. When the American Rebellion broke out, in 1861, he issued a manifesto from Ireland — whither, by the clemency of the Government which he had sought to subvert, he had been permitted to return — on behalf of the Confederacy. John Mitchel, another leading spirit in the fiasco of 1848, also became a fanatical champion of the slaveholders. Thomas Francis Meagher took a military command in the army of the North. Others headed the riots in New York, massacred a goodly number of negroes and other peaceable citizens in the streets, and did their utmost to destroy all law and order. "These," says Miss Martineau, "are apt illustrations of the spurious kind of Irish patriotism, which would destroy Ireland by aggravating its weakness, and by rejecting the means of recovery and strength."

Mr. McGee's share in the treasonable schemes of the Confederation rendered it impossible for him to remain in the British Islands without constantly encountering the danger of arrest. A few months before the collapse of the Ballingarry demonstration he had married, and his complicity in the insurrection thus brought trouble upon another besides himself. For some of his public utterances on the platform at Roundwood, in the county of Wicklow, he was seized by the police; but as all custodians of the peace were instructed to deal leniently with prisoners who had not actually been taken with arms in their hands, he was allowed to go his way. Nothing mollified by this mild treatment, he started for Scotland, to stir up treason among the Irish population there. During his sojourn in Glasgow he received intelligence of the bursting of the bubble which he had assisted to inflate, and of the capture of O'Brien. Hearing that a reward was offered for his own apprehension, he skulked about from place to place in various disguises, and after some delay, crossed over to the North of Ireland, where he took refuge in the house of Dr. Maginn, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Derry. He had an interview with his wife, after which he sailed for the United States in the guise of a priest. On the 10th of October, 1848, he landed at Philadelphia, but soon made his way to New York, where, with the assistance of some of his compatriots he established a weekly newspaper called the New York Nation. This enterprise started with fair prospects of success, for the editor was well known to the Irish of New York and its vicinity, and was regarded by them with a high degree of favour, as a man of strong anti-British proclivities. The contents of the paper realized the most sanguine anticipations of its readers, so far as their tone of fanatical hostility to England was concerned; but the editor's want of judgment once more involved him in difficulties. In commenting editorially on the causes of the failure of the Irish insurrection in which he had borne a part, he threw the blame on the Roman Catholic hierarchy, whose influence, as he truly alleged, had been put forward to dissuade their parishioners from joining the ranks of the insurgents. Bishop Hughes, of New York, felt aggrieved on behalf of the Irish priesthood, and took up their cause in the local press. It was, of course, not difficult for him to show that the clergy had acted wisely in discountenancing an insurrection of the success of which there had never been even the most remote possibility. There were rejoinders from Mr. McGee in the columns of the Nation, and surrejoinders by the Bishop in various newspapers. The former must surely have seen that he had made a false move, but he had not the good sense to profit by the knowledge by either withdrawing from his position or holding his tongue. The religious sympathies of his compatriots, and their profound reverence for the priesthood, were forces against which he contended in vain. He lost caste with the better class of his fellow-countrymen in America, and came to be regarded by them as an unsafe mentor. According to their view of the matter, a Roman Catholic who set himself up to criticize the clergy of his Church was little better than an atheist. He was a man to be shunned, and, if necessary, to be put down. The upshot of the controversy was the ruin of the prospects of Mr. McGee's journal, the publication whereof was soon discontinued.

He had meanwhile been joined by his young wife and infant daughter. His prospects during these months were exceedingly problematical. In 1850, however, he removed to Boston and began to publish the American Celt, a paper which was of precisely the same cast as the defunct New York Nation had been. It was full to the brim of hatred and rancour against Great Britain, and its "mission" seemed to be to influence all the evil passions of the Irish race in America. By degrees, however, Thomas D'Arcy McGee began to feel the influence of the civilized atmosphere in which his life was passing. He figured conspicuously on the lecture platform, and was necessarily brought into contact with men of good intellect and high principles. These persons felt and expressed respect for his abilities, but declined to sympathize with, or even to discuss, the merits of English rule in Ireland. They tacitly refused to consider that subject as an absorbing theme for discussion on this continent. He received much wise counsel, the tenor of which led him, for the first time in his life, to reflect seriously upon the errors of his past career. He was apt enough to learn, and gradually the idea began to dawn upon his mind that all the wisdom and justice in the world are not confined to Irish bosoms. He began to perceive that there are nobler passions in the human heart than revenge, and that if a man cannot make circumstances conformable to his mind, the first thing in his power is to conform his mind to his circumstances. "The cant of faction," says Mrs. Sadlier, "the fiery denunciations that, after all, amounted to nothing, he began to see in their true colours; and with his whole heart he then and ever after aspired to elevate the Irish people, not by impracticable Utopian schemes of revolution, but by teaching them to make the best of the hard fate that made them the subjects of a foreign power differing from them in race and in religion; to cultivate among them the arts of peace, and to raise themselves, by the ways of peaceful industry and increasing enlightenment, to the level even of the more prosperous sister-island."

This radical change of opinion was not brought about in a day, nor in a year. The progress of the mental revolution was slow, but certain, and by degrees the past of Thomas D'Arcy McGee stood revealed to him in all its insufficient barrenness. He fought against his steadily-strengthening convictions as long as he could, but his judgment and good sense at last won the day. In the month of August, 1852, he liberated his mind in a letter published in the Celt, and addressed to his friend Thomas Francis Meagher. In that letter he unfolded with much frankness the process by which he had been led to modify his opinions, and referred to the scheme of the past as "the recent conspiracy against the peace and existence of Christendom." His emancipation was complete, and from this time forward there was an entire revolution in the tone of all his writings and public speeches. Instead of writing diatribes against the irrevocable he adopted "Peace and good will among men" as his motto. Amicable relations were restored between him and the Roman Catholic hierarchy, and erelong, at the request of the late Bishop Timon, of Buffalo, he removed the office of publication of the Celt to that place. He continued the publication for about five years after the removal, during which time he made many friends and achieved a fair share of worldly prosperity. He was a diligent, albeit rather a fitful student, and amassed a considerable fund of political and general knowledge. His paper was regarded as the chief exponent of Irish Catholic opinion on this continent, and as a standard authority on all matters connected with Irish affairs. Some of his ablest lectures were composed and delivered during this period, and some of them were the means of greatly extending his reputation. Among those which evoked the most flattering criticism from the press, those on "The Catholic History of America," "The Irish Reformation," and "The Jesuits" occupy the foremost place. The many demands upon his time did not prevent him from engaging in various laudable enterprises for ameliorating the moral and social condition of his countrymen in America, and from putting forth many valuable suggestions for their guidance. It was his special object, says one of the most sympathetic of his critics, to keep them bound together by the memories of their common past, and to teach them that manly self-respect which would elevate them before their fellow-citizens, and keep them from political degradation. He strove to make them good citizens of their adopted country, lovers of the old cradle-land of their race, and devoted adherents of what to them was "the sacred cause of Catholicity." Among other schemes vigorously propounded by him for their material advancement was that of colonization — "spreading abroad and taking possession of the land; making homes on the broad prairies of the all-welcoming West," instead of herding together in the tenement houses of the large cities. In furtherance of this project he organized a Convention at Buffalo at which he addressed the assembled representatives with great eloquence. He began, however, to experience the pecuniary difficulties inseparable from the conduct of a newspaper which declines to ally itself with any political party, for he had persistently held aloof from the troubled sea of party-politics in the United States. These difficulties increased, and were sometimes so great as to occasion serious embarrassment. His future prospects were not bright, and he looked forward with some anxiety. When matters had reached a pretty low ebb with him he was advised to change his base of operations. His journalistic pursuits and his platform experiences had brought him into contact with many prominent Irish Canadians, with some of whom he had formed warm personal friendships. By these gentlemen he was urged to take up his abode in Montreal, where, as he was informed, the want of a ruling mind such as his was sensibly felt by the rapidly-increasing Irish population. It was further represented to him that the appreciation he had met with in the United States had been by no means commensurate with his deserts, and that his compatriots in Canada stood in urgent need of his services. To such representations he was not disposed to turn a deaf ear, more especially as the pecuniary outlook in Buffalo was far from encouraging. After careful deliberation he assented to the proposal which had been made to him, disposed of his interest in his newspaper, and removed to Montreal with his family early in 1857.

The manner of his reception in Montreal was such as could not fail to be highly gratifying to his feelings. His fellow-countrymen vied with each other in doing him honour, and in affording him material support. He established a newspaper called the New Era. His acquaintance with Canadian affairs at this date was not very wide, and he was compelled to take a somewhat non-committal stand on many questions which the public had at heart. On one subject, however, he spoke with no uncertain sound. He advocated with great energy and eloquence the scheme of an early union of the various British colonies in North America. The New Era did not realize, in a pecuniary sense, the expectations of its founder, but as matters turned out, its success or non-success was a matter of little importance. At the next general election Mr. McGee, after a close contest, was returned to Parliament as the representative of Montreal West. The publication of the newspaper was discontinued, and he devoted himself to his duties as a legislator.

From the time of first taking his seat in Parliament he was a conspicuous figure there; but it must be confessed that during the earlier sessions of his Parliamentary career he did little to inspire the public with any belief in his profound statesmanship. He arrayed himself on the side of the Opposition, and attacked the then-existing Cartier-Macdonald Administration with all the fiery eloquence at his command. "It was observed," says Mr. Fennings Taylor, "that he was a relentless quiz, an adroit master of satire, and the most active of partisan sharpshooters. Many severe, some ridiculous, and not a few savage things were said by him. Thus from his affluent treasury of caustic and bitter irony he contributed not a little to the personal and Parliamentary embarrassments of those times. Many of the speeches of that period we would rather forget than remember. Some were not complimentary to the body to which they were addressed, and some of them were not creditable to the person by whom they were delivered. It is true that such speeches secured crowded galleries, for they were sure to be either breezy or ticklish, gusty with rage, or grinning with jests. They were therefore the raw materials out of which mirth is manufactured, and consequently they ruffled tempers that were remarkable for placidity, and provoked irrepressible laughter in men who were regarded as too grave to be jocose. Of course they were little calculated to elicit truth, or promote order, or attract respect to the speaker. Mr. McGee appeared chiefly to occupy himself in saying unpleasant and severe things; in irritating the smoothest natures, and in brushing everybody's hair the wrong way." The personalities in which he permitted himself to indulge were frequently in the worst conceivable taste, and he raised up for himself many enemies. It began to be suspected that this brilliant Irishman, whose advent into Canadian political life had been heralded with so loud a flourish of trumpets, was no heaven-born statesman, after all. He said some clever things in the course of his speeches, and a good many other things that were neither clever nor sensible. There was an evident desire on his part to attract attention to himself, and his self-consciousness was sometimes so marked as to be positively offensive. It was difficult to say why he had joined the ranks of the Opposition. Of the local politics he, at the time of his entry into Parliament, knew little or nothing, and there was not much in common between him and the leaders of the Party to which he had attached himself. The latter could not feel as though their ranks had been very powerfully strengthened by such an accession. As the years passed by, however, D'Arcy McGee became more tractable, and — be it said — more sensible. He never entirely overcame his fondness for displaying his Irish wit on the floor of the House, but he taught himself to be more amenable to certain rules of debate which are tacitly recognized among the members of all grave deliberative assemblies. To put the matter in plain English, he less frequently transgressed the bounds of decorum and sober good-breeding. With increase of years came increase of knowledge as to the needs of the country, and as to the proper functions of a legislator. His intellectual vision became keener, and his views acquired breadth. It began to be apparent that there was a serious side to his character, and that he could rise to a high level upon a great occasion. No one had ever doubted that he possessed a goodly share of genius, but he began to show that he also possessed more practical qualifications for a statesman. Though largely endowed with the poetical temperament, he did not disdain to interest himself in such prosaic matters as statistics, and could make an effective speech of which figures formed the main argument. His oratory, though florid and discursive, began to exhibit symptoms of a genuine manly purpose. He studied law, and in 1861 was called to the Bar of the Lower Province, though he never seriously devoted himself to the practice of that profession. He continued to fight in the Opposition ranks until the downfall of the Cartier-Macdonald Ministry in the month of May, 1862. In the Administration which succeeded, under the leadership of John Sandfield Macdonald and Louis Victor Sicotte, he accepted office as President of the Council. After the resignation of the Hon. A. A. Dorion, he also acted for some time as Provincial Secretary. Upon the reconstruction of the Administration in the following year he was not invited to take a portfolio, and his dissatisfaction at the cavalier treatment to which he had been subjected soon began to make itself apparent. He crossed the House, and voted against the new Government, accompanying his votes with remarks the reverse of complimentary to the Premier. Upon the formation of the Taché-Macdonald Government, which was nothing if not Conservative, in March, 1864, Mr. McGee became Minister of Agriculture; a position which he continued to hold until the accomplishment of Confederation. He had thus completely changed sides, though it does not appear that his party convictions had undergone any material modification, and it was alleged, with some show of truth, that he was actuated more by pique than by principle.

In the proceedings which resulted in Confederation Mr. McGee took a conspicuous and an honourable part. The union of the British North American Provinces, as we have seen, had been advocated by him from the time of his first arrival in the country. Independently of his speeches in the House, which were among the most brilliant efforts evoked by the occasion, he did good service by his writings in the public press, and by lectures and addresses delivered by him in various parts of Canada and the Maritime Provinces. In order that he might be relieved from pecuniary cares by which he was sometimes beset, his friends throughout the country organized a fund on his behalf, and purchased and presented him with a comfortable, well-appointed homestead in Montmorenci Terrace, St. Catherine Street, Montreal, wherein he and his family found a resting-place during the remaining years of his life. He was thus enabled to address himself to his cherished projects with comparative freedom from anxiety.

In 1865 he repaired to England as a Member of the Executive Council to confer with the Imperial Government upon the great question of Confederation. During his absence he, after an interval of seventeen years, once more set foot on his native land, and paid a visit to Wexford, the home of his boyhood, where he was the guest of his father. During his sojourn at Wexford on this occasion he delivered an eloquent speech on the condition of the Irish race in America. He publicly deplored the part he had played in the troubles of 1848, and enlarged upon the demoralized condition of his countrymen in the United States as compared with those resident in Canada. He proclaimed his conviction that the time for fruitless attempts at insurrection was past, and that he for his part should regard traitors to Great Britain as the enemies of human progress. This deliverance gave grievous offence to the Irish citizens of the United States, by many of whom D'Arcy McGee was thenceforward denounced as a renegade to his principles. This sentiment was strengthened by McGee's righteous denunciations of the Fenian horde who menaced our shores in the summer of 1866, and who shed the blood of some of our promising young men. At the general election of 1867 these utterances were called into requisition as an election cry. Mr. McGee had not accepted a portfolio in the first Government under Confederation, which had just been formed, but had waived his claim to office in favour of another Irish Catholic, Mr. Kenny, of Nova Scotia. McGee, however, though he was thus complaisant, had no intention of retiring immediately from public life, and once more offered himself to his constituents in Montreal West. That constituency was the abode of the local "Head Centre" of the Fenian Brotherhood, and the Fenian influence there was considerable. Mr. McGee's utterances had made him the object of the inveterate hatred of that body, and it was determined that he should be ousted from the seat which he had held ever since his entry into political life in Canada. Mr. Devlin, an Irish Catholic, and a prominent member of the Montreal Bar, was brought out as an opposition candidate, and the most shameless devices were resorted to to secure that gentleman's return. "Every vile epithet calculated to rouse ignorant Irish Catholics," — says the author of "The Irishman in Canada," — "was hurled at McGee. He had, as his manner was, gone right round from denying the existence of Fenianism in Montreal, to exaggerating the extent of it, and denouncing it, not in undeserved terms, but in terms which seemed violent from a man of his past history. He won his election, but by a majority which convinced him that his power had greatly waned. He had, however, the consolation that if he had lost popularity, he had lost it in enlightening his countrymen." He had felt it to be his duty to place Fenianism in its proper light before his fellow-countrymen in Canada. He knew that the order was powerless for good, and that it would entail pecuniary loss, if not absolute ruin, upon many well-meaning but ignorant and misguided persons. So far as the Fenian scheme contemplated an invasion of Canada, he regarded it with all the scorn and abhorrence of a loyal subject. For this he was denounced by the Fenians, and held up to execration as one who had sold himself to the spoiler.

Before the opening of the first session of the Dominion Parliament he was attacked by a long and severe illness, which brought him to death's door, and from which he only recovered in time to attend at the opening of the session. It was noticed that there was a decided change, not merely in his physical appearance, but in the workings of his mind. He had formerly been addicted to frequent indulgence in strong drink. He had now become rigidly abstemious and regular in all his habits. He seemed to be pervaded by a seriousness which almost amounted to melancholy. His friends believed these characteristics to be something deeper than the temporary humours of convalescence. His serious indisposition had made him reflect, and his situation was one which afforded ample food for reflection. Ever since the delivery of the Wexford speech he had been in receipt of frequent anonymous letters in which he was anathematized as a traitor, and warned to prepare for death. Some of these came from Ireland. The envelopes of a few of them afforded evidence of their having been posted in Montreal; but by far the greater number came from the United States. He affected to console himself with the proverb that "threatened men live long," but he could not bring himself to regard these truly fiendish communications with indifference. He knew the desperate character of the class of Irishmen from whom they emanated, and he shuddered as he reflected that he had at one time been the idol and fellow-worker of such as they. The shadow of his impending doom was upon him. During the interval between rising from his bed of sickness and the opening of the session in November he had determined to retire from public life in the course of the following year, and to devote the rest of his days to literary pursuits. His determination was not destined to be carried out. He took a part in the debates while the session was in progress, and some of the most statesmanlike utterances that ever passed his lips were delivered during this, the last winter he was ever to see. On the evening of the 6th of April he occupied his usual place in the House, and made a brilliant and effective speech on the subject of the lately-formed Union. A little after two o'clock on the following morning he left the House in company with two of his political friends, and proceeded in the direction of the place where he lodged — the Toronto House, on Sparks Street, kept by a Mrs. Trotter. When the three had arrived within a hundred yards of Mr. McGee's destination they separated, each betaking himself to his own lodging-house. Mr. McGee, having reached his door and inserted his latch-key, was just about entering, when the sound of a pistol-shot was heard by his landlady, who was awaiting his arrival. She hurried to the door, and opened it, to find Mr. McGee's body lying prone across the sidewalk. The alarm was given, and a crowd soon collected on the spot. The body was raised, but the assassin's bullet had done its work. The ball had entered the back of the head and passed through the mouth, shattering the front teeth, and producing what must have been instant and painless death.

The miscreant at whose hands D'Arcy McGee met his fate was a Fenian named Patrick James Whalen. He was subsequently arrested, tried, found guilty, and hanged at Ottawa.

Had Mr. McGee lived another week he would have completed his forty-third year; so that he was still a young man, and had his life been spared there is good reason to believe that he would have made an abiding mark in literature. During his lifetime he published many volumes, but they were for the most part written under disadvantageous circumstances, and merely afford indications of what he might have achieved in literature. His poems have been collected in various editions; but the work by which he is best known is his "Popular History of Ireland," originally published in two volumes at New York in 1863, and since reprinted in various forms.

DAVID ALLISON, M.A., LL.D.,

SUPERINTENDENT OF EDUCATION FOR THE PROVINCE OF NOVA SCOTIA

Doctor Allison was born at Newport, Hants County, Nova Scotia, on the 3rd of July, 1836. By both lines of descent he belongs to that thrifty Scoto-Irish stock to which the central counties of Nova Scotia are largely indebted for their progress. On the paternal side he belongs to a family which has displayed much aptitude for public affairs, his grandfather and father both having occupied seats in the Provincial Legislature. His brother, Mr. W. Henry Allison, after occupying a seat in the same Body for several terms, at present represents the county of Hants in the House of Commons.

His preliminary education was received at the Provincial Academy at Halifax — since re-organized and developed into Dalhousie College — and at the Wesleyan Academy, Sackville, N.B. His school-boy days at Halifax were contemporaneous with a period of great political excitement, and a race of orators rarely surpassed in any colonial legislature — Howe, Johnston, Young, Uniacke — enlivened the Assembly room of the Province with their eloquence. Frequent attendance on the discussions waged by these masters of debate gave to the young student's mind a strong and permanent leaning towards political and constitutional studies. At Sackville, where he studied four consecutive years, the basis of a broad and liberal training was firmly laid. Twenty-five years ago, institutions of learning really doing educational work of a high order were not so numerous in the Maritime Provinces as they now are, and the Academy at Sackville, distinguished for its high standard and energetic methods, attracted patronage, not only from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, but from Newfoundland and "the vexed Bermoothes." During his connection with this school, he was thus brought into contact with many young men who have since won distinction in Provincial life. His academic career ended, he was determined (we suppose) by denominational proclivities to seek University training and honours at the Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn., U.S., where his career was in a high degree successful and brilliant. For some years after graduation, in 1859, he filled the post of classical instructor at Sackville, first in the Academy, and from 1862 to 1869 in the Mount Allison College, an institution organized in that year under charter obtained from the Legislature of New Brunswick. The resignation of the Presidency of the College by the Rev. Dr. Pickard, in 1869, gave its Board of Governors an opportunity of showing their appreciation of his scholarship and character. He was unanimously elected President, and thenceforward for nine years devoted himself with assiduity and success to the duties of that position.

The work of a classical teacher, especially in a country college, does not attract much public attention, and however effectively performed cannot furnish much material for biographical remark. It is enough to say that Professor Allison taught the classics with great efficiency, illuminating the otherwise dull page with the illustrative light of history, philosophy and literature. On his accession to the Presidency of the College he exchanged the Chair of Classics for that of Mental Science, and his lectures on that subject as delivered to successive classes would, if published, secure for their author no mean reputation as an acute and independent thinker. During the nine years of his Presidency at Sackville he bore a heavy load of responsibility. The work of endowing the College and generally improving its financial condition was no light one. The intense intercollegiate competition of the Lower Provinces rendered it necessary to infuse new vigour into the teaching staff. The unsettled condition of the "higher education" question, and the somewhat feverish state of the public mind regarding it, obliged one occupying his position to be on the alert, ready with pen or voice to attack or defend as circumstances might require. It is sufficient to affirm, that when in 1878 he resigned his office for a new sphere of responsibility, no College in the Maritime Provinces had for its years a better record than his, and no college officer a wider or more enviable reputation for varied scholarship and progressive tendencies of mind.

On a vacancy arising in the office of Superintendent of Education for the Province of Nova Scotia in 1877, all eyes were turned to him. Enjoying to a flattering extent the confidence of the friends of the Sackville Institution, he naturally hesitated, but finally yielded when appeals from the leaders of public opinion on all sides were joined to the independent attractions of the offered post. The two years during which he has administered the educational affairs of the Province show clearly that he possesses a delicate appreciation of the elements of the problem which he is required to solve. Reforms should, if possible, follow one another in logical sequence. If the new Superintendent is moving too slowly for some and too fast for others, he is probably moving as all his really sincere and well-informed critics would wish him to do, were their opportunities for taking in the whole situation as good as his. Since his appointment he has aroused throughout the Province a fresh interest in the cause of popular instruction, not only by his masterly reports, but by the vigorous use of his abundant gift of public speaking.

On assuming office as Superintendent, Dr. Allison found the important sphere of intermediate education out of proper relation to the higher and lower departments of instruction. A system of self-terminated common schools of an elementary type, and a system of colleges mainly without a trustworthy source of supply, he refused to believe adapted to the wants of his Province and the genius of the age. His efforts to secure a better distribution of educational appliances, and better inter-working of educational forces, have already, we believe, been crowned with some success. Though not without aptitudes for other departments of public service, he has hitherto refused to listen to all propositions involving departure from the strict path of educational effort and usefulness.

Dr. Allison is a man of broad political sympathies. Residing in the United States during those years of intense feeling which immediately preceded the great Civil War, and having abundant opportunity of hearing those passion-stirring appeals by which fiery orators accelerated the awful crisis, his early prepossessions towards political and historical studies were greatly strengthened. The reading and thought spent in this direction have no doubt resulted in the formation of strong, well-developed opinions. If, as some suspect, these opinions are somewhat radical, they are held in judicious equilibrium by the practical conservatism of his conduct. The liberality of his religious sentiments admirably qualify him for a position in relation to which the distinction of creeds is ignored. He is a member of the Methodist Church of Canada, and as a lay representative has taken a prominent part in the two General Conferences of that influential denomination, and has been appointed a delegate to the General Congress of Methodism to be held in London in 1881. This is the sphere of private opinion and action, but even in that he has always thrown his influence in favour of fraternity and peace. As regards public relations, the universal confidence in his impartiality is a prime element of his strength.

He received the degree of B.A. in 1859, and of M.A. in 1862, in due course from the Wesleyan University, and in 1873 the honorary degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by the University of Victoria College, Cobourg, Ont. In 1876 he was appointed by the Executive Government of Nova Scotia a Fellow of the Senate of the University of Halifax. In the hope of unifying and improving the higher education of the Maritime Provinces Dr. Allison had given the scheme for establishing such a University, modelled on that of London, an earnest, and at a critical juncture, most valuable support, and still vigorously sustains the experiment of an Examining University as under the circumstances of the case contributing to the satisfactory solution of a difficult problem. That the proposed scheme was open to some of the objections vigorously urged against it by the Rev. Mr. (now Principal) Grant and others he did not attempt to deny. But who could propose any measure directed towards the improvement of advanced education in Nova Scotia which was not open to objection? The existing Colleges, five or six in number, were feeble and ill-equipped, but they had become strongly entrenched in the affections of religious denominations, whose unwillingness to surrender real or seeming advantages in connection with these institutions was proportioned to the sacrifices by which these advantages had been secured. Assuming this unwillingness of the Colleges to surrender their chartered privileges, as the first and indeed fundamental condition of the establishment of a genuine Provincial University to be inexpugnable, the projectors of the University of Halifax sought to give a steady and appreciable value to Collegiate degrees conferred in the Province, to reduce to something like order the chaos of divergent systems, and to send down into the strata of primary and intermediate education an uplifting influence from above. Should even these more limited objects be unattained through the failure of the Colleges to practically aid a measure designed at least in part for their benefit, it may in the end appear that the indifference of these institutions was not dictated by the highest wisdom even as regards their own interests.

THE HON. THOMAS GALT

Judge Galt is the second son of the late John Galt, who was for some time the Canadian Commissioner of the Canada Company, and who was the author of numerous dramas and works of fiction which once enjoyed great popularity. Some account of the life of the late Mr. Galt has been given in the sketch of the life of his youngest son, the Hon. Sir Alexander Tilloch Galt, which appeared in the second volume of this series.

The subject of this sketch was born in Portland Street, Oxford Street, London, England, where his father at that time resided, on the 12th of August, 1815. His early life was passed alternately in England and in Scotland. He received his education at various public and private schools. He was for about two years a pupil at a private establishment at Musselburgh, a small seaport town in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh. The late Hon. George Brown was also a pupil at this establishment. Mr. Galt was removed from Musselburgh in 1826, and placed under the tuition of Dr. Valpy, a classical scholar of high reputation. In 1828 he came out to Canada, and was for two years a pupil in the establishment of Mr. Braithwaite, at Chambly, where he had for fellow-pupils, the present Bishop of Niagara and the late Thomas C. Street. In 1830 he returned to Great Britain, where he spent three years, when, having nearly completed his eighteenth year he emigrated to Upper Canada, and settled in what was then Little York. This was in the autumn of 1833, and in the month of March following, Little York became the city of Toronto, with William Lyon Mackenzie as its first mayor. Mr. Galt has ever since resided in Toronto, and has thus had his home in our Provincial capital for more than forty-seven years.

Upon his arrival at Little York he entered the service of the Canada Company, of which his father had been one of the original promoters, and most active spirits. He remained in that service about six years, when, having resolved upon studying law, he entered the office of Mr. — afterwards the Hon. Chief Justice — Draper, where he remained until his studies had been completed. During a part of this period he occupied the position of chief clerk in the office of his principal, who was then Attorney-General for Upper Canada. In this capacity it fell to his duty to prepare the indictments, which required not merely an accurate knowledge of the criminal law, but a close familiarity with the highly technical system of criminal pleading which prevailed in those days. In Easter Term, 1845, he was called to the Bar of Upper Canada, and immediately afterwards settled down to the practice of his profession. He was possessed of excellent abilities, a fine presence, and a remarkably prepossessing manner, which qualifications combined to place him in a foremost position before he had been long engaged in practice. He became solicitor for numerous corporations and public companies, and had always a very large business.

In October, 1847, when he had been at the Bar somewhat more than two years, he married Miss Frances Louisa Perkins, youngest daughter of the late Mr. James W. Perkins, who had formerly held a position in the Royal Navy. By this lady he has a family of nine children. In 1855 he became a Bencher of the Law Society of Upper Canada, and in 1858 he was appointed a Queen's Counsel, simultaneously with the Hon. Stephen Richards. He from time to time formed various partnerships, one of which was with the late Hon. John Ross. Another was subsequently formed with the late Hon. John Crawford, who some years later became Lieutenant-Governor of Ontario.

While at the Bar, in addition to a very extensive and profitable civil practice, he took a front rank as a criminal lawyer, for which distinction his past experience in the office of Attorney-General Draper had eminently fitted him. He was engaged in the celebrated case of Regina vs. Brogden, which many readers of these pages will not fail to remember. The prisoner was a well-known lawyer of Port Hope, who was tried at Cobourg for shooting one Anderson, the seducer of his wife. A year or two later he represented the Crown in another historical criminal case which was tried at Cobourg, wherein the prisoner, Dr. King, was convicted of poisoning his wife. In 1863 he appeared for the Crown at Toronto against that well-remembered malefactor William Greenwood. There were three indictments against the prisoner, two for murder and one for arson. On the first indictment for murder the prisoner was acquitted. On that for arson, which was prosecuted by Mr. Galt, he was convicted. With the other indictment for murder Mr. Galt was not concerned. The prisoner, however, was convicted, and sentenced to be hanged, but committed suicide by hanging himself in his cell.

Mr. Galt was appointed to his present position, that of a Puisné Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for Ontario, on the death of the late Judge John Wilson, in 1869. His sixty-five years seem to sit very lightly upon him, and he is still distinguished by a fine, dignified, and most kindly presence. In addition to the attainments properly belonging to him as an eminent lawyer, he is known as a master of style, and his judgments are marked not less by their depth of learning than by the stateliness of the diction in which they are written.

The most important criminal case over which he has been called upon to preside since his accession to the Bench was that against Mrs. George Campbell, who was tried at the assizes held at London, in the autumn of 1872, for murdering her husband under most revolting circumstances. She was convicted, and suffered the extreme penalty of the law.

THE RIGHT REV. WILLIAM BENNETT BOND,

M.A., LL.D., BISHOP OF MONTREAL

Bishop Bond, Dr. Oxenden's successor in the See of Montreal, was born at Truro, a seaport of the county of Cornwall, England, in the year 1815. He received his education partly in Cornwall, and partly in London, at various public and private schools. He was a diligent student, and displayed much fondness for, and proficiency in, the classics, as well as considerable aptitude for elocution. In his early youth he emigrated from England to the Island of Newfoundland, where, after a brief period spent in secular pursuits, he studied for holy orders under the direction of Archdeacon Bridge. In 1840, under the advice and influence of the late Rev. Mark Willoughby, he proceeded to Quebec, where, upon the completion of his studies, he was ordained Deacon; and in 1841 he was ordained Priest at Montreal, by the late Right Rev. George Jehoshaphat Mountain, Bishop of Quebec. Immediately after his ordination he again proceeded to Newfoundland, where, on the 2nd of June, in the last-mentioned year, he married Miss Eliza Langley, with whom he returned to Montreal. For some years subsequent to his ordination he was a travelling missionary, with residence at Lachine, near Montreal. Under instructions from Bishop Mountain he organized several missions in the Eastern Townships, and in addition to his clerical duties interested himself in organizing schools in connection with the Newfoundland School Society, establishing eleven in the township of Hemmingford alone. In 1848 he was appointed to the large and important parish of St. George's, Montreal, as assistant to Dr. Leach. His connection with that parish subsisted without interruption for a period of thirty years. He successively became Archdeacon of Hochelaga, and (later) Dean of Montreal. While holding the office of Dean he took an active interest in the Volunteer force, being chaplain of the 1st or Prince of Wales's Regiment. He was out at Huntingdon during the raid of 1866, and in 1870 marched with the regiment from St. Armand's to Pigeon Hill.

On the 1st of July, 1878, the Right Rev. Ashton Oxenden, who had held the bishopric of Montreal since 1869, resigned his position; and on the 16th of January following (1879) Dean Bond was elected as his successor by the Synod of the Diocese. His consecration took place in St. George's Church, Montreal, on the 25th of January, 1879, in the presence of the Bishops of Fredericton, Nova Scotia, Quebec, Algoma, Ontario and Niagara; the consecration sermon being preached by the Right Rev. John Travers Lewis, Bishop of Ontario. He was installed in the Episcopal Throne, in the Cathedral Church at Montreal, on the day following his consecration, upon which date he likewise performed his first Episcopal act by administering the rite of confirmation in the church of his old parish of St. George's.

Bishop Bond has a fine and commanding presence, is an eloquent preacher, and an excellent platform speaker. He is very popular among the clergymen of his diocese, and takes a warm interest in promoting their welfare. His only published work, so far as known to the present writer, is a sermon on the death of his old friend the Rev. Mark Willoughby, already mentioned, which was published at Montreal in 1847.

Bishop Bond is President of the Theological College of the Diocese of Montreal. He received his degree of M.A. from Bishop's College, Lennoxville, and that of LL.D. from the University of McGill College, Montreal.

The Diocese over which Bishop Bond's jurisdiction extends was originally constituted in 1850. Montreal was the Metropolitan See of Canada from the year 1860, (when letters patent were issued to the late Dr. Fulford), until Bishop Oxenden's resignation as above mentioned, in the month of July, 1878.

THE HON. LEMUEL ALLAN WILMOT, D.C.L

It is permitted to few persons to achieve, and permanently retain, so high and well deserved a reputation as for nearly half a century has attached to the name of the late Judge Wilmot. In the course of his long and active public career he was called upon to play many important and difficult parts. In none of them did he encounter failure, and in most of them he achieved an unusual degree of credit and success. Alike as a lawyer and a legislator, as Premier and Attorney-General, as a member of Parliament, and as the leader of a not always manageable political party, as a Judge and as a Lieutenant-Governor, he stamped his name upon the history of New Brunswick. Robert Baldwin and Joseph Howe are not more intimately identified with the cause of popular rights in the histories of Upper Canada and Nova Scotia than is Lemuel Allan Wilmot in the history of his native Province. One of whom so much can truthfully be alleged must be admitted to have been a remarkable man. His life was passed in the conscientious discharge of multifarious duties; and in whatsoever aspect it may be viewed, it was a life which it is thoroughly wholesome to contemplate. He was a man, and as such he doubtless had the imperfections incidental to humanity; but happy is that individual upon whose memory rests no graver charge than imperfection. He was often placed in positions which subjected his manhood to a crucial test, and never failed to come out of the ordeal without blemish. In recounting the various phases of his public life, it never becomes necessary for the biographer to apologize for acts of corruption; and his personal character has left behind it a memory without a stain.

The two families to which he owed his origin were both identified with the struggle of the American colonies for independence. His paternal grandfather was Major Lemuel Wilmot, of Long Island, a U. E. Loyalist, who held a commission in the Loyal American Regiment, engaged in much active service on behalf of his king and country, and, soon after the close of hostilities, settled under British rule, on the banks of the St. John River, near Fredericton, in the then recently-formed Province of New Brunswick. After his migration, the Major married Miss Elizabeth Street, a sister of the Hon. Samuel Street, of the Niagara District. One of the fruits of this marriage was the late Mr. William Wilmot, of Sunbury, N.B., who married Miss Hannah Bliss, a daughter of Mr. Daniel Bliss, and a descendant of Colonel Murray, of St. John, whose name also figures conspicuously in the history of the U. E. Loyalists. Several children resulted from this latter marriage, one of whom, Lemuel Allan Wilmot, who was born in the county of Sunbury, on the 31st day of January, 1809, is the subject of the present memoir.

The incidents of his early boyhood, so far as known to the writer of these pages, were few, and of little material interest to the public. He was educated at the Fredericton Grammar School, and afterwards at the Provincial University of that town. His career at college was more remarkable for diligence than for brilliancy, though he became a good classical scholar, and kept up his acquaintance with the principal Greek and Latin authors throughout his after life. He was fond of athletic exercises and aquatics, devoting sufficient attention to such matters to build up a sound and vigorous constitution. He also belonged to one of the local volunteer companies, and acquired considerable proficiency in military drill. Upon leaving the University he chose the law for a profession, and after the usual course of study was admitted as an Attorney in 1830, immediately upon coming of age. He settled down to practice in the Provincial capital, and in 1832 was called to the Bar. He was not a born orator, and during the early years of his professional life had to contend with a diffidence of manner and a slight impediment in his speech. It is said that when he first announced his determination to qualify himself for the Bar, his father, referring to the last-mentioned infirmity, endeavoured to dissuade him from a pursuit in which his stammering tongue would inevitably place him at a great disadvantage. The young man, however, was self-confident, and his subsequent career proved most incontestably that his confidence was not misplaced. All things are possible to a man endowed with a strong will, and a fixed determination to succeed. Young Wilmot possessed both these qualifications for forensic success, and had also other advantages which contributed to place him in the high rank which he eventually attained at the New Brunswick Bar. He had a fine and commanding presence, keen susceptibilities, a clear, ringing voice, a capacious memory, and an unusual amount of industry. There was a strong vein of poetry in his character, and he was possessed of a considerable share of histrionic power. Aided by such adjuncts, and backed by a constitution of unusual vigour, he well knew that his success was only a question of time and unremitting labour. He applied himself with indefatigable diligence to every case entrusted to him, and did not disdain to make himself master of the minutest details. He never went into court until he had seen his way through his case. He soon overcame the defect in his utterance, and there was a sincerity and self-assurance about his manner of addressing a jury which told greatly in his favour. In less than two years from the date of his call to the Bar he had an assured practice and position. His mind grew with the demands from day to day made upon it, and at an age when many lawyers of greater brilliancy are content to wait for fame, Mr. Wilmot had succeeded in establishing a reputation which was co-extensive with his native Province. His fame was not of ephemeral duration, but grew with his increasing years, and long before his retirement from practice he was recognized as the most eloquent and effective forensic orator of his day in New Brunswick. In an obituary notice of him, published shortly after his death in a Boston newspaper, we find the following strong testimony to his professional attainments: "As an advocate at the Bar, few in any country could surpass him. The court was full when it was known that Wilmot had a case. He scented a fraud or falsehood from afar. He heard its gentlest motions. He pursued it like an Indian hunter. If it burrowed, he dragged it forth, and held it up wriggling to the gaze and scorn of the court. When he drew his tall form up before a jury, fixed his black, piercing eyes upon them, moved those rapid hands, and pointed that pistol finger, and poured out his argument, and made his appeal with glowing, burning eloquence, few persons could resist him." This estimate is worth quoting, as, though florid, and doubtless overdrawn, it conveys a not altogether inaccurate idea of his power as an advocate. If he was not a counsel whom "few in any country could surpass," he was at all events a counsel who could hold his own against such forensic luminaries as Archibald, and Stewart, and Johnson, all of whom were orators of the highest rank at the Bar of the sister Province of Nova Scotia, and all of whom were in frequent request in the courts of New Brunswick. Against one or more of these he was constantly pitted, and it is high praise to say, as may be said with perfect truthfulness, that he was able to maintain his argument with credit against the best of them.

With such endowments, it was a matter of course that he should sooner or later enter the political arena. He had been only two years at the Bar, when (in 1834) he was elected by acclamation to represent the county of York in the New Brunswick Assembly. His return under such circumstances was a notable event, for he was only twenty-five years of age, and was the first candidate ever returned by that constituency without a contest. Prior to his return he held several political meetings in different parts of the county, at which he addressed the people in a fashion to which they had theretofore been wholly unaccustomed. He described the fundamental points of the constitution, and showed that the rights of the people had been systematically violated for a great many years. It is said that during one of these addresses a member of the ruling faction rode up to the hustings and demanded that Wilmot should be pulled down, or that he would yet become Attorney-General of the Province. The story sounds too good to be true. However that may be, he was not long in making his presence felt in the Assembly. He arrayed himself as the champion of Liberal principles — principles which had a much more slender following in those days than they have had in later times. The Family Compact had an existence in New Brunswick, as well as in the other British American colonies, and any aspiring young politician who refused to bow his head beneath the yoke, had to make up his mind for a large measure of obloquy and determined opposition. Young Wilmot had to bear his share of the burdens which fell to the lot of all advocates of popular rights in the days when Responsible Government was sneered at by those in authority. The New Brunswick oligarchy were somewhat less besotted and tyrannical than were those of Upper Canada and Nova Scotia, but there were abuses which called imperatively for removal, and grievous wrongs which cried aloud for redress. All the important offices were in the hands of the members of the Compact and their sycophants, and the only road to public preferment lay through their favour. Political power was confined to the Legislative and Executive Councils; for, although there was a Body called the Assembly, which was supposed to be the guardian of the rights of the people, it was a shadow without substance. Its votes produced no direct influence upon the advisers of the Sovereign's representative in the colony, who were permitted to keep their places of power and emolument, no matter how distasteful themselves and their policy might be to the popular branch of the Legislature. This oppressive domination was not confined to secular matters, but extended likewise to matters ecclesiastical. There was a dominant State Church. Dissenters were regarded by the adherents of that Church with disfavour, and were sometimes treated with contumely. A dissenting minister was not permitted by law to solemnize matrimony, and if he did so he was subject to fine and imprisonment. It is said that Mr. Wilmot's father, William Wilmot, who was a member of the Assembly, was refused admission to the House upon the ground that he was in the habit of conducting religious services on the Sabbath day. It at one time seemed not improbable that the subject of this sketch would be subjected to a similar indignity. The latter was a Dissenter from conviction. He had been awakened to an active sense of religion by the ministrations of the Rev. Enoch Wood, now of Toronto, but then pastor of the Methodist Church in Fredericton. No account of Mr. Wilmot's life which does not take cognizance of the devotional side of his character can give anything like an accurate estimate of the man. Further reference to it will be made at a later stage. When he first took his seat as a member of Parliament he felt that it was incumbent upon him to contend, not only for his political freedom, but for his rights as a member of a religious body which was practically proscribed. The oligarchy, it is to be presumed, well knew that the end of their reign was at hand, but they fought every inch of the ground with a spirit and determination worthy of a better cause. There is no need to go through the minutiae of the struggle. Though differing as to local details, the principles at stake in New Brunswick were precisely the same as in Upper Canada and Nova Scotia, and readers of the sketches of Robert Baldwin, Lord Metcalfe, and Joseph Howe, are sufficiently informed as to how much was involved in those principles. Mr. Wilmot soon became the acknowledged leader of the Reformers of his native Province, and to his vigour, eloquence, and statesmanship the successful establishment of Responsible Government there in 1848 is mainly due. In this connection it would be unjust to omit a reference to the late Hon. Charles Fisher, Mr. Wilmot's colleague in the representation of York County, who for some years prior to his death in the month of December last occupied a seat on the Bench of the Supreme Court of New Brunswick. A sketch of Mr. Fisher's life will appear in due course in these pages, but a casual reference to him in this place seems to be imperatively called for. Throughout all the contest which resulted in the triumph of Liberal principles, and in the establishment of Executive Responsibility, Mr. Fisher seconded his leader, Mr. Wilmot, with a loyalty and integrity which entitle him to a high place in the Provincial annals. His learning and eloquence gave him great influence in Parliament, and his name is associated with some of the most important legislation in the colonial jurisprudence, as well as with the cause of popular freedom. To Lemuel Allan Wilmot and Charles Fisher the inhabitants of New Brunswick owe a heavy debt, and their names will deservedly go down to posterity side by side.

The struggle for Responsible Government may be said to have begun in earnest in New Brunswick about the time when Mr. Wilmot first entered the Assembly of that Province in 1834. It proceeded with unabated ardour until the resignation of Sir Archibald Campbell, the Lieutenant-Governor, in 1837. In 1836 Mr. Wilmot proceeded to England as a co-delegate with Mr. William Crane on the subject of Crown Revenues and the Civil List, and then for the first time laid the grievances of his compatriots before the Imperial Government. Lord Glenelg, the Colonial Secretary, was well inclined towards the colonies, and treated the two New Brunswick delegates with much kindness and courtesy. The state of affairs submitted by them was taken into careful consideration, and the Assembly's view of the situation was approved of. At Lord Glenelg's suggestion, a Bill was drafted which granted all the most important reforms prayed for, and was transmitted to Sir Archibald Campbell for his approval. The approval was not forthcoming, and Sir Archibald quietly tendered his resignation. Messrs. Wilmot and Crane were received with an ovation upon their return to New Brunswick, and were the heroes of the hour. Next year they were again despatched to England with an address to the King, in which it was prayed that Sir Archibald Campbell might be recalled — the fact of his having sent in his resignation not having transpired. They were received with as much favour as before, and were informed that the contumacy of Sir Archibald would not be permitted to thwart the popular will. During this second visit they enjoyed the honour of being presented at Court to King William IV. His Majesty, upon Mr. Wilmot being presented to him, condescended to make some inquiries as to his family and ancestry. Mr. Wilmot availed himself of the opportunity thus afforded to make a set speech in the presence of royalty, in which he "burst the awful barriers of State, and, in loyal phrase, thanked His Majesty for generous consideration of colonial interests."¹²

The delegates had good reason to congratulate themselves upon the success of their mission. Sir John Harvey, an English officer who had served with distinction in Upper Canada, and in various other parts of the world, was sent out as Lieutenant-Governor, and the Civil List Bill became law. The House of Assembly of New Brunswick, by way of testifying its appreciation of Lord Glenelg's conduct, had a full-length portrait of him painted, and suspended behind the Speaker's chair, where it hangs to the present day. Upon the return of Messrs. Crane and Wilmot from their second mission a vote of thanks was unanimously passed by the Assembly in recognition of their diplomatic services. They also received more substantial marks of favour. Mr. Crane was called to the Executive Council, and Mr. Wilmot was invested with a silk gown. For the time, Liberal principles were decidedly in the ascendant. The passing of the Civil List Bill had a most mollifying effect upon public opinion. New Brunswick was spared the turmoil of a rebellion such as disturbed the peace of Upper and Lower Canada. There was not even any attempt at insurrection, nor apparently any feeling of sympathy with the violence begotten of the times. Mr. Wilmot, whose martial spirit has already been hinted at, raised and commanded a troop of volunteer dragoons, which performed despatch duty pending the border troubles of the time; but he was happily never called upon to take part in any active measures of suppression.

During Sir John Harvey's four years' tenure of office as Lieutenant-Governor, the internal affairs of the Province of New Brunswick were carried on with but little friction between the branches of the Legislature. The Reform Party were gratified with the signal victory they had gained in the matter of the Civil Service Bill, and were not disposed to be captious without serious cause. Sir John Harvey was a popular Governor, and his moderate policy reäcted upon both the political parties. Soon after the accession of Sir William Colebrooke, in 1841, the old hostilities began to re-appear. It was a time of great commercial depression. For several years the public funds had been spent somewhat lavishly, and the Provincial credit had begun to suffer. An era of economy and Conservatism set in. At the general elections of 1842 the Reform Party made a determined stand on the question of Responsible Government. Mr. Wilmot, who had sat in the Assembly for the county of York for a continuous period of eight years, again presented himself to the electors of that constituency. Tremendous efforts were made by his opponents to oust him, and the contest was one of the sharpest ever known in the annals of New Brunswick. He and his colleague, Mr. Fisher, were successful in securing their election, but the state of public opinion was abundantly proclaimed by the fact that these two were the only successful Reform candidates in an Assembly consisting of forty-one members. The progressive party was badly beaten, but not disheartened, and a banner bearing the motto "Responsible Government," was unfurled in the streets of Fredericton. The two Reformers had to maintain the sole burden of Opposition on their shoulders during the following session. Notwithstanding their numerical weakness, they made their influence powerfully felt in the Assembly.

In 1844 Mr. Wilmot was offered a seat in the Executive Council. He accepted it, without portfolio, but did not long retain his place, owing to a circumstance which compelled his resignation. The Lieutenant-Governor, without consulting his Ministers, appointed his son-in-law, Mr. Reade, to the office of Provincial Secretary. This proceeding, which was a direct subversion of the doctrine of Responsible Government, gave offence, not to Mr. Wilmot alone, but to three other members of the Council. After a fruitless remonstrance with Sir William Colebrooke, they all four promptly resigned their seats. The Colonial Secretary declined to confirm Mr. Reade's appointment, and another gentleman less distasteful to the Assembly became Provincial Secretary. From this time forward a Liberal reaction may be said to have set in. At the general election of 1846 a fair proportion of Liberal candidates was returned, among whom were Mr. Wilmot and his colleague, Mr. Fisher.

Responsible Government, however, was not yet an accomplished fact, though its accomplishment was nigh at hand. In 1847, the Colonial Secretary, Earl Grey, in a despatch to Sir John Harvey, who was at that date Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, clearly defined the principles upon which the Government of that colony should be carried on. The principles enunciated were precisely those for which the Reformers had all along been contending. It was declared that members of the Executive Council should be permitted to hold office only so long as they possessed the confidence of a majority of the people, as signified by the votes in the Assembly. The heads of the various departments, it was said, should retain office only during pleasure; and Government officials were neither to be permitted to occupy seats in the Legislature nor to be removable on a change of Government. These concessions implied neither more nor less than Responsible Government. The principles were evidently as applicable to New Brunswick as to Nova Scotia. Soon after the opening of the session in 1848 Mr. Fisher introduced a resolution approving of Earl Grey's despatch, and accepting its doctrines on behalf of the Province. The debate which followed was big with the fate of New Brunswick. Many of the more advanced Conservatives coincided with the principles enunciated, and supported the resolution, which was finally carried by a large majority. Thus was Responsible Government finally adopted in New Brunswick.

The speeches made by Mr. Fisher and Mr. Wilmot during this debate were emphatically the speeches of the session. That of Mr. Wilmot was published in pamphlet form and circulated throughout the Maritime Provinces. It was considered as sufficiently important to be noticed in the North American Review, published at Boston, Massachusetts, where it was stated that "He (Mr. Wilmot) possesses brilliant powers, and as a public speaker ranks with the most effective and eloquent in British America."

Mr. Wilmot was called upon to form a new Government, which, though the result of a coalition, was of a Liberal complexion. He himself became Premier and Attorney-General. During his tenure of office his name is associated with several important Legislative measures, among which may be mentioned the Consolidation of the Criminal Laws (1849), and the Municipal Law (1850). During the latter year he attended as the representative of his Province at the International Railway Convention held at Portland, Maine, where he delivered a speech which we have not read, but which, judging from the encomiums which have been lavished upon it, must have been an effort of very uncommon eloquence. Mr. Lathern, in the work already quoted from, says of it: "There were many able and eloquent speeches at that Portland Convention, from Parliamentary and public men, but to Attorney-General Wilmot, by common consent, was awarded the palm of consummate, crowning oratory. He carried the audience by storm. To people across the border, accustomed to political declamation, it was a matter of amazement that their most brilliant men should be completely eclipsed. It was a still greater cause of mystery how a style of oratory, of the imaginative and impassioned type, regarded as peculiarly a production of the chivalrous and sunny South, could have been born and nurtured amidst the frigid influences and monarchical institutions of a bleak and foggy forest Province. There were accompanying advantages which stamped the effort as supreme of its kind. Dramatic action, consummate grace of rhetorical expression, a voice of matchless power and wondrous modulation, contributed to the heightened effect. To a very considerable extent the eloquence was impromptu, and therefore largely took its caste and complexion, apt allusions, and rich surprises, from the immediate scene and its surroundings. That magnificent burst of oratory swept over the audience like fire amongst stubble, and like the tempest that bends forest trees. Reporters are said to have dropped their pencils, and yielded to the magnetic, resistless spell; and the people, gathered in dense mass, were wrought into a frenzy of excitement and enthusiasm." Making due allowances for the unconscious exaggeration of a writer who seems to have revered Mr. Wilmot as his "guide, philosopher and friend," the Portland speech must have been an effort of which any orator might justly feel proud. During this same year (1850) Attorney-General Wilmot visited Washington as a delegate from his Province on the subject of International Reciprocity; and a few months later, in company with the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Edmund Head, he attended a meeting of the Canadian Government held at Toronto, for the purpose of discussing important matters relating to the British North American colonies.

In the month of January, 1851, he retired from the Administration, and accepted a seat on the Judicial Bench, as a Puisné Judge of the Supreme Court of New Brunswick. At the time of his appointment to this position the still higher office of Chief-Justice was vacant, and he, as Attorney-General might not unreasonably have expected to succeed to that dignity. His acceptance of the less exalted position was the cause of some surprise, as he would have had the entire Reform Party of the Province at his back in any dispute with the Lieutenant-Governor, and might have brought much pressure to bear upon him. His acceptance was probably due to the fact that politics are an uncertain pursuit, and that there was no saying what the morrow might bring forth. He never experienced defeat on the hustings in the whole course of his sixteen years of political life, but at the last election for York he had been returned by a very slight majority. He was sensitive to public opinion, and had no ambition to remain on the stage until he might possibly be hissed. He was at this time enabled to retire with honour, and the consciousness that he retained public confidence and respect. Other reasons may probably enough have influenced him. His professional business had necessarily suffered through his constant attendance upon his Parliamentary and official duties. His income had dwindled down to less than a third of what it had once been, and his expenses had greatly increased. The position of a Puisné Judge is a high and honourable one, such as no lawyer, however eminent, need disdain to accept. His choice was made, and for more than seventeen years thereafter he discharged his duties as a Judge with usefulness and dignity. During this interval he frequently delivered lectures before Mechanics' Institutes and Lyceums in St. John, Fredericton and elsewhere; and some of these discourses were as remarkable for learning and eloquence as any of his public utterances. His convictions as a Protestant were unusually strong, and some of his remarks on sectarian themes occasionally caused irritation among persons whose theological faith differed from his own, but in no case does the irritation seem to have been more than temporary. His exemplary life, and his evident sincerity of purpose, induced even opposing theologians to allow him a latitude of expression which would scarcely have been tolerated in an ordinary personage. During his tenure of office as a Judge he also took an active part in forwarding the cause of education, and in support of many voluntary associations of a benevolent and religious character. Among numerous other offices conferred upon him, he was appointed a Member of the Senate of the New Brunswick University, from which he received the degree of D.C.L.