Kitab fayl olaraq yüklənə bilməz, yalnız mobil tətbiq və ya onlayn olaraq veb saytımızda oxuna bilər.
13 Oct. 1747
[fol. 472.] Reverend Dear Sir, – You'l received from the bearer all that was to the for of the weast coat208 that the P. gave to me; because nobody could get it where I put it till I came home myself. Likwise tow of the buttons that war in it.
I cou'd not get that from Kingsburgh you desired me —209; however he has it. I have more to tell you when I see – .
Writ to me by the bearer. Mind me most kindly to Lady Bruce and all acquantance, especiall Lady Balmirina and her sister. I'm your very humble servant,
Mal. MacLeod.
Rasay, October 13, 1747.
N.B.– The original of the above is to be found among my papers.
R. F., A.M.
28 Oct. 1747
[fol. 473.] My very dear Sir, – Your kind and obliging letter I received yesterday, together with the present you sent me, upon which I put a very great value, and for which I most heartily thank you.
I have written to you and Kingsburgh at some length by Donald Macleod, who left Edinburgh upon Friday last, the 23d instant. But as this will come soonest to hand, I chuse to repeat some things.
It has been suggested to me by a very judicious person that it would be advisable in Kingsburgh to deliver up a certain original letter into some sure hand for the preservation of it But this must be altogether left to the judgment and discretion of Kingsburgh himself. However, at anyrate, I earnestly desire to have an exact copy of the letter, and I hereby engage that [fol. 474.] it shall be as great a secret as at this moment.
I am exceedingly desirous to have the brave and the honest Armadale's account from his own mouth,210 which I hope he will chearfully give. Let it be as exact and circumstantial as possible. Is it possible to procure Boisdales account in his own words? for I wish much to have that too. You see I am very greedy, and indeed no wonder; for these things would be of inexpressible use in future ages.
If you think of being soon in this country (as you seem to suggest in your letter), then you may bring along with you all the several accounts you can possibly collect, and remember to favour me with the happiness of the first visit. But if you resolve not to be soon here, then be so good as to embrace the first sure opportunity that comes in your way and transmit to me all that you have gathered together among good friends.
[fol. 475.] I make an offer of my best wishes to the worthy family of Raaza, to Kingsburgh and his lady, and to Armadale and his concerns.
That all happiness may ever attend you and Mrs. Macleod is the hearty and earnest prayer of, My Dear Sir, Your most affectionate friend and very humble servant,
Robert Forbes.
Citadel of Leith, October 28th, 1747.
P.S.– Every letter from you or any of the honest worthies in Sky or Raaza will be a real cordial to me. My Lady Bruce is very glad to hear of your welfare and kindly remembers you and Mrs. MacLeod, Kingsburgh, and Mrs. MacDonald, etc. – In haste, adieu.
2d P.S.– Since writing the above, I have this day received by post your kind letter (with one inclosed to James MacDonald) of September 23d; but where they have been all this time by the way I cannot conceive. Pray, my dear friend, allow my commissions to engage a great share of your attention, and let me have every thing [fol. 476.] that is well vouched in as exact and full a manner as possible.
I have no other news worth mentioning, but that the brave General Keith is now a Field-Marshal in the King of Prussia's service, which makes some folks stare like stuck pigs and to entertain great fears.
Have you ever found the bottle among the heath?211 for you forget to mention it to me.
Inclosed I send you a print where you view the Highland Laddie (Lewie Ca) graciously receiving the Butcher, begging mercy on his knees. I know it will be a most acceptable present to you, and will serve to give some entertainment to your friends. – Once more adieu.
R. F.
23 Sept. 1747
Rasay, September 23, 1747.
[fol. 477.] Reverend Sir, – I promist to acquaint you whenever I got home, which was a very merry meeting with my friends, wife, sisters and all. I was like a man that wou'd dy and wou'd come in life again.
You give me memorandum abut Kingsborrow's letter, which I cannot get as yet; however, it is very true.212 John M'Kinnon came home, who I did not see as yet. When I will I'll get his history, and will send it to you. I hope you'll be so good as to send me all the news that is worth. I did not hear a word since I last [saw] you as yet. Make my compliments to the worthy Lady Bruce and all the family where you are not forgeted. Derect for me to Malcome M'Leod of Brea in Rasay Island, [fol. 478.] Sky. – I'm, Reverend Sir, your most humble servant,
Mal. MacLeod.
N.B.– The original of the above is to be found among my papers.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
Most honoured ribband, of all else take place,
Of greens and blues, and all their tawdry race.
Thou wast the laurel the fair temples bound
Of Royal Charles, for greatness so renown'd.
Thee I'll reserve, as Heav'n reserves his crown,
Till his rebellious foes be overthrown.
Then in thy place a diadem shall shine
His by his virtues, as by right divine.
7 Nov. 1747
Leith, Saturday, November 7th, 1747.
[fol. 479.] I dined in the house of Mrs. Seaman at the foot of the Kirkgate, with John Hay, captain of the Custom-House yacht at Air, when the conversation turned much upon the dangers and distresses the Prince behoved to undergoe in his skulking and wandering from place to place after the battle of Culloden.
Captain Hay asked if it was not one of the name of MacLeod that went to Stornoway in the Lewis upon the business of engaging a ship, with a design to take off the Prince and the few that were then with him? I told him it was Donald MacLeod, an old man of sixty-eight years of age, and who had been along with the Prince for nine or ten weeks after the battle of Culloden. 'That project,' said the Captain, 'happened to miscarry by being discovered, and I have reason to think that the discovery was owing to an information given by a Presbyterian minister.' Upon this I gave the Captain an account of this affair (to the best of my remembrance) as I [fol. 480.] had got it from the mouth of Donald MacLeod, viz., that a Presbyterian preacher in one of the Uists had writ a letter to a friend in the Harris, who then writ a letter to a Presbyterian preacher in the Lewis, upon which the people of the Lewis conveened at Stornoway to the number of some hundreds, etc.213
To this the Captain replied that he had good reason to assure me that that indeed was the matter of fact. 'For,' added he, 'as I was cruizing along with the rest at that time I had an opportunity of knowing how the different informations came about.'
I told him I was exceedingly glad to have his account of the matter to support and confirm Donald Macleod's own representation of it, because that Donald had been reproached by severals for having got drunk;214 and in his cups for having discovered to some one acquaintance or other the real design for which he had hired the ship, and this acquaintance was said to have blown the whole project. Captain Hay said he did not believe one word of all that, but that the true state [fol. 481.] of the case was above represented, and that the Prince would have been on board with his few attendants that very night when the discovery was made, had he not met with that unexpected disappointment.
Captain Hay asked if I could inform him of the day when the Prince set out from the Isle of Sky to the mainland.215 I told him it was July 5th, and likewise remarked to him what difficulty I had with Captain Malcolm MacLeod to adjust this matter of a precise date.216 'Surely then,' said the Captain, 'we behoved to be very near the Prince in his crossing the ferry to the mainland.' I told him I did not doubt that at all, and then I gave him an account (as exactly as I could) of that narrative given me by Mrs. MacDonald of Kingsburgh, and afterwards confirmed to me by Malcolm MacLeod himself,217 anent the Prince's desiring Malcolm MacLeod to have no fear, for that the wind would soon change, and make the ships of war, [fol. 482.] then in view upon the coast of Sky, steer a direct contrary course, so that it would not be in their power to come near him at that time. At this Captain Hay, with an asseveration, assured the company that that was literally true; for that when they were sailing along the coast of Sky with a pretty brisk gale, all of a sudden the wind changed upon them and forced them to sail a direct contrary course. He said he remembered nothing better.
Here I remarked that some would be ready to attribute this in the Prince to the second sight or some such uncommon supernatural cause; but that for my own part I believed there were some who could tell a little time before that the wind would blow from this or the other point of the compass, being in the use of making observations in that way. Captain Hay replied that sailors and others who dealt in observations of that kind could exactly enough tell from the [fol. 483.] motion of a cloud, or the like, when the wind would veer about to this or the other quarter; and from what had been said he remarked that the Prince behoved to have skill in that way. I then told the company that Malcolm MacLeod had said that he never knew a man in all his life that had such a firm and steady trust in the providence of God as the Prince was remarkably blessed with.218
The conversation happening to turn upon the subject of Rorie MacKenzie's death, it was said that it was certain enough that Rorie MacKenzie had been taken by a party of Cumberland's army for the Prince, and that he had been actually butchered by them; but as to the particular circumstance of the butchery, that was an affair not so easily to be discovered. Here I told the company that particular story given me by Kingsburgh anent the officer's talking to him at Fort Augustus [fol. 484.] about the young Pretender's head.219 Upon this Captain Hay said that in visiting his friends lately in the south country he had discovered a story well worth the remarking, and the more so because it had come from the Duke of Cumberland's own mouth. The Captain informed the company that he had met with a gentleman in the south who told him that when the Duke of Cumberland was on his way from the north to Berwick he had gone to that town to wait upon him, that accordingly he paid his court to him, and after he had done so, he asked his highness if he had entirely finished the whole affair, and left the country in peace. The Duke answered he had done so. Then the gentleman asked what was become of the Pretender's oldest son? The Duke replied that he had taken care to leave such orders behind him that the Pretender's [fol. 485.] eldest son would never be more heard of. Captain Hay said that as he had this particular narrative from the gentleman's own mouth, it deserved the more credit, for he could depend upon the truth of it; but he did not chuse to name the gentleman.
Captain Hay was pleased to tell the company that when General Campbell came to the Laird of Clanranald's house in search of the Prince (so the Captain named him during the whole conversation) Lady Clanranald happened not to be at home, but that she came home pretty soon after. The General told the lady that he was to dine with her, and then began to interrogate her where she had been? Lady Clanranald answered that she had been visiting a sick child at some distance.220 The General asking the name of the child, the lady made no stop in giving a name, and said likewise that the child was much better than formerly it had been; and she conversed all along with the General in a very easy, unconcerned way. [fol. 486.] Here the Captain observed that the visiting of the sick child was only a mere pretence the better to cover the real business the lady had been employed about, for afterwards it was discovered that Lady Clanranald at that time had actually been with the Prince.
I could not fail remarking to Captain Hay that Lady Clanranald's acquitting herself so exactly and wisely in the Prince's preservation was something very singular, and the more extraordinary that (as I had been informed) she happens frequently not to be so well in her health, and therefore (one would be apt to imagine) quite unfit to manage a point of so much delicacy and danger. The Captain answered that Lady Clanranald's conduct in that affair, all things considered, was very extraordinary indeed.
After giving several very remarkable instances of the miseries and dangers the Prince had been exposed to in his wanderings, I begged leave to ask at Captain Hay what notions he [fol. 487.] would entertain of those folks in and about Edinburgh (people of no mean sense and discretion in the common affairs of life) who when certain accounts had come of the Prince's arrival in France were pleased to say: 'O these Jacobites are strange bodies, who attribute the preservation of their Prince to the providence of God alone, when Providence could have no hand in it at all, seeing the Duke of Cumberland and his army were not willing to take him, but, on the contrary, avoided the laying hands on him when they might have done it.' At this Captain Hay held up his hands and declared his amazement that any such expression could ever proceed out of the mouth of any person whatsomever, and asked seriously if there were any persons that could have the impudence to talk so? I assured him there were such persons as had actually used the above expressions, or words to the same purpose, and that they could [fol. 488.] be named. He said he was indeed surprised to hear the thing, considering the strict searches that had been made for the person of the Prince, and the many narrow escapes he had made. And, moreover, that it was well known in the army that when any officers happened to bring prisoners into the camp in the north, and after the report being made at the headquarters, the Duke of Cumberland used to be in a very bad humour, and to express himself in these words: 'These officers don't know their duty.'
The whole conversation went easily on, and lasted till between four and five o'clock at night.
There were present who witnessed the above conversation, Richard Seaman, baxter in Leith, John Hay, piriwig maker in Edinburgh, Mrs. Bettie Seaman and Mrs. Ellie Kendal. Mrs. Seaman herself went from the company pretty soon after dinner to look after her business, so that she witnessed but a small part of the conversation. John Hay, piriwig maker, [fol. 489.] declared his being very much pleased with being present at such a long and so particular a conversation upon the dangers and distresses of the Prince, and at the narrating some of the more moving and interesting parts he was so much affected that he shed tears. He frankly owned that he had never heard so much of the matter in all the several companies he had formerly resorted to where this extraordinary and affecting history happened to be the subject of conversation.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
1745. June.
[fol. 490.] After the Prince had settled everything for his subsequent undertaking, the gentlemen who were to accompany him on his voyage took different routs to Nantz, the place appointed to meet at, thereby the better to conceal their design. During their residence there they lodged in different parts of the town, and if they accidentally met in the street or elsewhere they took not the least notice of each other, nor seemed to be any [fol. 491.] way acquainted, if there was any person near enough to observe them. During this time, and whilst everything was preparing to set sail, the Prince went to a seat of the Duke of Bouillon and took some days' diversion in hunting, fishing, and shooting, amusements he always delighted in, being at first obliged to it on account of his health. By this means he became inured to toil and labour, which enabled him to undergo the great fatigues and hardships he was afterwards exposed unto.
From this place he went to a seat of the Duke of Fitz-James, seemingly upon the same errand, and thence at a proper time went in disguise directly on board the ship lying in the Loire, being the river which goes immediately from Nantz to the sea. [fol. 492.] Here he found eight gentlemen223 above hinted at ready to accompany and assist him in his expedition. They were the Marquis of Tullibardine, alias Duke of Athol, Sir John MacDonald (a French officer), Mr. Æneas MacDonald (a banker in Paris), Mr. Strickland, Mr. Buchanan, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. O'Sullivan, and Mr. Kelly. To these I may add a ninth, viz., Mr. Anthony Welch, the owner of the ship which carried the Prince. He (this last) staid on the coast of Scotland about three weeks, and did the Prince considerable service.
Here it will not be amiss to give some short account of the above-mentioned attendants.
The Duke of Athol was made prisoner in Scotland, having surrendred himself (as was given out by our lying newspapers) to Mr. Buchanan of Drumakill, a Justice of Peace. But the real matter of fact is that Drumakill, in his own house, basely betrayed the Duke when he thought himself safe under the protection of Drumakill's roof, having got assurances to that purpose. To confirm the truth of this, Drumakill is so much [fol. 493.] despised for this breach of all the laws of hospitality and honour that the gentlemen in the neighbourhood and in all places of Scotland where Drumakill is known will not be seen in his company, nor will they converse with him. From Drumakill's house the Duke of Athol was carried to the Castle of Dumbarton, the latter end of April 1746, whence he was removed to Edinburgh, where he remained till the 13th of May, and then was put on board the Eltham man-of-war in Leith Road, and conveyed to the Tower of London, June 21st, where he died on the 9th of July, and was there buried July the 11th, 1746.
Sir John MacDonald, a French officer, surrendred himself prisoner of war at Inverness upon the day of Culloden battle. He was suffered to go out upon his parole amongst other French officers at Penrith. He is a man of no extraordinary head as a councillor.
Mr. Æneas MacDonald, a banker in Paris, surrendred himself to General Campbell upon terms which, however, were not [fol. 494.] performed. He was committed to Dumbarton Castle, whence he was conducted to Edinburgh Castle under a strong guard the latter end of August 1746; and the week after, in the same manner, was conveyed to the Duke of Newcastle's office at Whitehall, London, and immediately committed into the custody of a messenger. One day when he was concerting a jaunt to Windsor with Miss Flora MacDonald, he was by order taken out of the messenger's hands and committed to Newgate, and thence to new prison in Southwark. All the time the Prince was in Paris he lodged at Mr. Æneas MacDonald's house.
Mr. Strickland died at Carlisle when it was possessed by the Prince's army.
Mr. Buchanan, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. O'Sullivan, and Mr. Kelly made their escape into France.
The first of these, Mr. Buchanan, upon the intended invasion at Dunkirk in 1743 was sent into England, and upon his return, in attempting to get to Calais or Dunkirk, was taken prisoner. [fol. 495.] He made a plausible story, and going by a feigned name, pretending great loyalty, etc., he artfully imposed upon one Captain Aires, who was then going into Flanders with some orders from the government, a person who has signalized himself very much upon a late occasion, though not in his profession as a soldier, yet as an evidence at St. Margaret's Hill in Southwark, etc. etc. etc. This very man, perceiving Mr. Buchanan understood French, and knew several of the French officers, proposed making use of him as a spy in Flanders, which Mr. Buchanan readily embraced, as it gave him a safe conveyance out of British dominions. Accordingly he was conducted to Ostend by Captain Aires, who was greatly surprized and no less chagrin'd to find his fellow-traveller so well known there, and to be the very man he had particular orders to find out, if possible, and to secure him, at the time when Mr. Buchanan had the address to deceive him. After this discovery Aires [fol. 496.] never offered to make any farther use of Mr. Buchanan, neither could he detain him there. Mr. Buchanan was many years assistant to Mr. Æneas MacDonald at Paris.
The second of these, Sir Thomas Sheridan, was tutor to the young hero, whom he attended through most of his travels. His master had a real and, I may say, filial affection for him, which indeed was mutual, no man having his pupil's interest more at heart than Sir Thomas. He got safe to France. From that he went to Rome, where he waited upon his pupil's father, who reprimanded him for persuading his son to undertake such an expedition without better grounds. This reproof so far affected Sir Thomas that he fell ill and died of grief.
The third of these, Mr. O'Sullivan, an Irishman, is a remarkable man, of whom the world has been greatly deceived, whether we look upon him as a soldier, a councillor, or for honesty and integrity.
The fourth and last of these is the same Mr. Kelly who was so many years confined in the Tower upon a suspicion of having [fol. 497.] had a hand in the famous plot of Dr. Atterbury, bishop of Rochester. Mr. Kelly's chief employment was to go betwixt his young master in Scotland and the French ministry, with some of whom he was very intimate.
22 June.
On Saturday the 22d of June 1745, the gentlemen (of whom the above short account is given) being all incog. to the crew, set sail out of the river Loire for Bellisle on board a vessel of 110 tons, called La Doutelle, carrying 16 guns, and commanded by Captain Durbe; having first sent expresses from Nantz to the young gentleman's father at Rome, to the king of France, and the king of Spain, acquainting them with the expedition, and desiring the two last to send armes, ammunition, and money to Scotland, which request was in part complied with.
23 June.
On the 23d, being next day, they anchored at Bellisle, where they continued till the 4th of July waiting for the Elizabeth, their convoy, a French ship of war of 64 guns and about 500 men, commanded by Captain D'oe or D'eau. [fol. 498.] During the stay at this island, the Prince took great delight in fishing. The better to conceal himself, he never would be shaved from his leaving Nantz to his arrival in Scotland.
5 July.
Next morning, being the 5th of July, both ships set sail with a fair wind, which continued so till the 7th, when it blew a brisk gale; but the next day was a dead calm. On the 9th, being in the latitude of 47 degrees 57 minutes north, and west from the meridian of the Lizard 39 leagues, they descryed a sail to windward, which proved to be a British man of war of 58 guns called the Lyon, Captain Brett, commander, which immediately bore down upon them. About three o'clock in the afternoon they found what she was, and prepared to engage her, having both of them hoisted French colours and shortened sail. By 4 o'clock they were within two miles of each other, and at 5 the engagement began.
9 July.
Upon the Frenchmen's first discovering a sail, a council of war was held by the commander, etc., of the Elizabeth on board the Doutelle, along with the passengers and her officers, wherein it was agreed, if no more sail appeared, that the [fol. 499.] Elizabeth should engage her, but should reserve her fire till she was so near the Lion as to stand the chance of all her guns having effect, and then to give her a whole broadside; and if the Lion did not sink, to close in with her and board her directly, while the Doutelle should attack and assist her in that, not being able to engage so heavy mettle as the Lion would carry, but with her small arms would be of great use at close fighting. Accordingly, both ships were prepared to engage as agreed upon.
The Lion, being to windward, bore down upon the Elizabeth, and began the engagement at some distance. The Elizabeth followed the directions of the council of war, and received the Lion's shot several times in hopes of putting the plan laid down into execution. But finding the Lion not only had the advantage of the wind, but that the British sailors worked her better than the Frenchmen did the Elizabeth, Captain D'oe [fol. 500.] then found he could not accomplish his designs, and therefore engaged at a distance; but still tried to get as close to the Lion as possible.
The Elizabeth, being thus disappointed of attempting to board the Lion, rendred all the assistance intended her by the Doutelle of no effect, she being too small a vessel to contend with the Lion's greatest guns; and therefore, when her commander, Captain Durbe, found he could not assist the Elizabeth, he drew off to a greater distance to avoid being sunk till a more convenient opportunity might offer. This gave those on board the Doutelle both time and leisure to observe the management and behaviour of both ships.
They fought with equal bravery for several hours, but the British sailors showed their superior skill and dexterity, which were highly praised by all on board the Doutelle, as well French as Scotch men; for, though the Elizabeth had more men, yet they could not work her so well, nor fire so often as the Lion did.
The engagement continued thus till after 9 o'clock, when [fol. 501.] the Lion began to abate of her fire, and, as far as she could, to make a running fight, discharging only now and then a gun. Then the advantage turned to the Elizabeth's side, her rigging not being so much damaged as the Lion's, though she had more men killed; and she now approached nearer and nearer the Lion, who, finding she could not escape, fired a gun and immediately struck. The Elizabeth, not going instantly up to board her, but rather slacking her pace, encouraged the Lion to set up her colours again. The reason of this behaviour of the Elizabeth was owing to the death of both Captain D'oe and his brother, who were killed by the last shot from the Lion. This accident, when least expected, and there being but one lieutenant left to command the Elizabeth, obliged him to drop sail and to wait for the Doutelle, who, finding what had happened to the Lion, was making all the sail she could to [fol. 502.] come up to the Elizabeth, which was soon accomplished, and a council of war was held immediately upon what should be done. It was herein agreed that, as it was ten o'clock, and would be some time before they could get up to the Lion, who was making all the haste she could to reach England, they might be in danger of falling in with some other English man of war, and be obliged to engage in the bad condition the ship was in, and then must inevitably be either taken or sunk; and, moreover, would be so much farther from the French coast that, were they to spy a sail, they would not have time to get into any harbour to avoid being taken. Therefore, it was thought proper to desist from pursuing the Lion, she being by this time out of sight. It was then asked if the Elizabeth was in a condition to proceed in her intended voyage, when her new commander answered in the negative; for, as he could not refit her at sea for another engagement, it would not therefore be safe to hazard their being sunk or taken, more especially as so many British men of war and [fol. 503.] privateers were cruizing at sea, and as he had near 200 men killed and wounded. They then determined to return to Brest. Some of the passengers of the Doutelle endeavoured to prevail upon the Prince to return also till another convoy could be prepared, or the same could be refitted. To this he would not consent, but resolved to proceed on his voyage.
The Elizabeth, though a French man of war, was sent out as convoy to the Doutelle by one Mr. Walter Rutlets, an Irishman, and a merchant at Dunkirk.
As it may seem odd that a subject could send out a man of war as a convoy without the king's knowledge where she was going, it is incumbent upon me to explain the nature of such an undertaking. I must therefore remark that when any of the French king's men of war are in harbour and fit for use, but not going upon any immediate business of the king's own, any of his subjects may upon proper application have her, and send her out on a cruize for the time granted, he (the [fol. 504.] subject) paying the men's wages during that time. By this means the King of France annoys his enemies without being at the expence of the men, and his ships thereby are kept pretty constantly employed, instead of lying in harbours, and their officers having no other employment than entertaining the ladies on shore.
9 July.
23 July.
But to return. After the engagement above mentioned, the Doutelle proceeded on her voyage soon after the council of war was ended. But before she set sail for Scotland, all her lights were put out, except that for the compass, which still was so close confined that not the least ray could emit. This caution was observed every night through the whole voyage till their landing in Erisca. On July 11th she was chased, and made a clear ship to engage; but trusting more to their speed than to their military power, they made all the sail they could and escaped all pursuers. The 15th and 16th they had a rough sea and tempestuous weather. Then they [fol. 505.] had fine weather till about midnight on the 20th, which was very stormy. The 21st being very mild, they sounded and found ground at 108 fathom. On the 22d they made a small island called Bernera, being the southernmost of the western isles of Scotland, near the latitude of 57. On the 23rd they arrived at the island of Erisca, belonging to Clanranald, which lies betwixt the isles of Barra and South Uist or Ouist, having been eighteen days at sea from July 5th.